Praful Bidwai, writes from New Delh
PM should visit Pakistan: Break the ice now!
Mr L.K. Advani has lowered the BJP’s gutter-level Gujarat campaign even further by challenging Pakistan to a “fourth war”. On November 30, he said: **“We have fought thrice, let there be a fourth war. Of course, that would be the final war”. **
Mr Advani linked this to Gujarat’s asmita (pride), and lavished praise on Mr Narendra Modi for his “exemplary” handling of the anti-Muslim violence – India’s worst state-sponsored pogrom.
Who gave Mr Advani the authority to sacrifice millions of lives in a nuclear holocaust? The “final war”'s main casualties will be non-combatant civilians. He was speaking much like the Delhi BJP rabble-rouser Madanlal Khurana, who in May 1998 challenged Islamabad to war “at a place and time of its choosing”.
However, Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee has refused to temper down his deputy’s remarks. He has also linked his visiting to Islamabad for the proposed SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) summit to Pakistan “completely” ending its support to “cross-border” terrorism.
New Delhi had earlier made its participation conditional upon Pakistan granting India “Most Favoured Nation” (MFN) status under a World Trade Organisation agreement – i.e. putting India on a par with its other trading partners. Mr Vajpayee’s latest statement might altogether destroy the summit planned for January 11 to 13.
Mr Vajpayee is ill-advised to stipulate such conditions. The summit – and resumption of an India-Pakistan dialogue – is in India’s own interest. A lesson from cancelled past summits, including that in 1999, is that the annulment ill-serves regional cooperation. The progress, peace and prosperity of South Asia’s 1.3 billion people hinge upon cooperation.
India’s official position on the summit is inconsistent. It recently denied the summit dates were even communicated to it. In truth, the Foreign Ministers of all seven SAARC states met in New York three months ago and agreed to confirm the dates by September 23.
Six did so. India stalled and linked its participation to “progress on economic cooperation”, to be determined at the Committee on Economic Cooperation, meeting in Kathmandu in October. This reviewed how far SAARC has moved towards a South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) by the year-end. India believes Pakistan is dragging its feet on this.
Other SAARC members contest this view. The Kathmandu “consensus” was that “considerable work” needs to be done before the SAFTA framework is signed.
**Pakistan insists the MFN issue must be delinked from SAARC. The WTO agreement contains certain provisions, based on which a state can delay granting MFN status to another. Bangladesh, a “least developed country”, also wants more time.
By forcing the pace of trade liberalisation, India risks losing SAARC itself. For its part, Pakistan is reluctant to give India MFN because its trade and industry fear Indian goods will flood their market. **
Other SAARC states too have similar fears. India should slow down SAARC trade liberalisation, while negotiating fast-track deals with individual countries, e.g. Sri Lanka.
All this can be discussed. But for that, a summit must take place. No one should make SAARC a hostage to unilateral concerns or bilateral disputes.
India shouldn’t cancel the summit citing “terrorism”. **If this argument was valid post-December 13, why did Mr Vajpayee attend the Kathmandu summit this past January? Why did he go to Lahore in 1999 without a let-up in militant violence in Kashmir? **
India did not break off relations with Pakistan when militancy erupted in Kashmir in 1989. The two negotiated confidence-building measures over two years. Throughout the 1990s, there were talks. The Agra summit happened – without a change in the border situation. It’s only after 9/11 that India adopted a macho, US-style “tough” stance.
New Delhi now seems inclined to scupper the summit. Mr Vajpayee has further confirmed this by asking: “What’s the use of going to SAARC when [Pakistan] is not prepared to talk on any issue except Kashmir”. :rotfl: The summit is not about Kashmir. The Association’s charter forbids discussion of bilateral issues.
There is every reason why India should reopen dialogue with Pakistan, following the welcome dismantlement of the 10-month-long military build-up. Pakistan now has a new civilian government. Although all power doesn’t vest in it, it is not a hardline regime and excludes the fanatical Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA). Manipulative and undemocratic as he was, **Gen Musharraf did succeed in keeping them out. ** :biggthumb:
The new Prime Minister, Mir Zafrullah Khan Jamali, is supposedly a liberal. Pakistan’s recent history shows that even those who enter office as the army’s stooges (e.g. Junejo and Nawaz Sharif) can end up fighting it.
Foreign Minister Khurshid Mehmood Kasuri has an even better image – on account of his distinguished lawyer-father, his education, and membership of the principled Tehriq-i-Istiqlal. He is associated with Track-II diplomacy and wants better relations with India.
His first statement in office emphasised improved relations as his “topmost priority”. Mani Shankar Aiyar, a former diplomat who has known Mr Kasuri from his college days in England, believes he will treat “our negotiators in an honest, straightforward way, without resorting to wile or guile”.
It is possible that Mr Jamali and Mr Kasuri won’t be allowed to succeed. But India must give them a chance, not prejudge them. Freezing diplomatic contacts has not helped India’s counter-terrorism, economic or political concerns. Indeed, it has caused suffering to ordinary people, strengthened communal forces in both countries, and intensified the entire region’s stagnation.
We must negotiate on all issues, including terrorism and Kashmir, after restoring people-to-people and diplomatic links. At the end of the day, Pakistan must be persuaded that it’s futile to try to bring India to the negotiating table through terrorism. This can only happen if the ground-situation in Kashmir improves.
India has nothing to gain by pursuing hegemonic plans, as distinct from a principled policy vis-à-vis its neighbours. Its security and prosperity lie in improving relations with them. Despite problems, that category includes Pakistan