Re: Pakistan Day: JSQM leader demands freedom for Sindh and Balochistan
Just look at the board of your national position , you can see what has been given to Baluchistan , Richest one in minerals is poorest one . Look at the cabinets and all other important portfolios , You can see no Sindhi or Baluch at any important slot , You are not ready to give anything to any other and it transpires your trust to them so how you think that it can go long .
Just nine or so months ago, a Sindhi President and a Sindhi Party was given five long years in Federation. If anything you should be crying about PPP and Zardari for not doing jack about Sindh.
Let go of this recycled victimised hogwash. Do not try emotionally blackmail Pakistanis. No one will shed a tear if PPP comes out of closet and declares itself an ethno-fascists separatist party, in fact I for one will certainly appreciate them for finally being honest and it'll just make things more transparent.
Re: Pakistan Day: JSQM leader demands freedom for Sindh and Balochistan
Just nine or so months ago, a Sindhi President and a Sindhi Party was given five long years in Federation. If anything you should be crying about PPP and Zardari for not doing jack about Sindh.
Let go of this recycled victimised hogwash.
That was just a majboori of establishment and Takht e Lahore after assasination of Shaheed BB . That was also with major representation of every ethenic group . Have you divided Pakistan by that term ? . No need of them in this term ?
Re: Pakistan Day: JSQM leader demands freedom for Sindh and Balochistan
That was just a majboori of establishment and Takht e Lahore after assasination of Shaheed BB . That was also with major representation of every ethenic group . Have you divided Pakistan by that term ? . No need of them in this term ?
LOL! PPP gets into power because BB dies and they get sympathy votes. PPP gets to complete the full term because establishment decides to do the favour on them. Is there anything PPP is capable of doing on its own? The term merit may provide a useful hint.
Btw, you didn't answer my question, what did a Sindhi President and Sindhi Party do for Sindh in their five years of Power?
Re: Pakistan Day: JSQM leader demands freedom for Sindh and Balochistan
tum jo bazaar se udhar waali aqal istemal kar raho, except personal attack which perhaps your bloody trait you write full of garbage, racism and hatred. Read my post again and dn load information about breakup of 1971 in your brain with nano KB memory brain. The way you are propagating Punjabism here, you will see the same disaster of 1971 sooner or later.
Re: Pakistan Day: JSQM leader demands freedom for Sindh and Balochistan
lolz sach hamaisha karwa hota aur tumharay munh say acha naheen lagta kah personal attack key bat karo mujhay aik single post dikha do jiss main nay tum par pahlay attack kia ho! main tumhain tumahri zaban main jawab daita hoon to mirchain lag jati hain :mirch:
**aur Pakistan kay khilaaf bolnay wallay kay munh main khak aur lukh di laanat **
chalo tum nay maan to lia kah main aqal istamal kar raha hoon tum tou woh bhi use naheen kar rahay apnay sobait say bharay bad boudaar dimgah aur zaban say :cobra:
PS: Maida Sohna main Saraiki aan, apna bothara sanbhal kay gal kar :cobra:
Re: Pakistan Day: JSQM leader demands freedom for Sindh and Balochistan
Great Question but its useless to ask from Jiyal’s and sooner you ll see another dumb and deaf with pathetic language
AP tell me who was the first bloody person who ordered for the military operation in Baluchistan ? its was haram khour bhutto aur kah do woh bhi majboor tha aur uss kay baad main anay wali govt bhi bhi
The dismissal of the Balochistan government in 1973
The dismissal of the Balochistan provincial government by Bhutto in February 1973 set the stage for the 4 year long military action in Balochistan that ultimately contributed to Bhutto’s downfall and had enormous repercussions for Balochistan – Islamabad relations to this day. It’s useful to look at the events leading up to the dismissal of the government and examine the causes and whether it was avoidable.
In the general elections of 1970, the PPP, while winning a majority in Sindh and Punjab, did not win a single National Assembly seat from Balochistan. Bhutto thus had to contend with a NAP-JUI alliance in both Balochistan and NWFP and these two parties formed the basis of the opposition for the purposes of pushing through his proposed constitution. Balochistan had only become a full-fledged province in 1970 and so the NAP-JUI government was the first provincial representative government in Pakistan’s history.
In March 1972, Bhutto was able to work out an accord with the NAP-JUI which, among other things, guaranteed the convening of the provincial assemblies and that, while the governors of the provinces would be appointed from the center, this would be done with consultation with the NAP-JUI.
Initially Bhutto tried to appoint a loyalist Ghaus Bakhsh Raisani to the position of governor, but this was not approved by the provincial government. The next governor appointed by the centre in April 1972 was the well-respected Baloch nationalist leader Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo. Bizenjo had earned respect for his principled opposition to One Unit and martial law and had spent time in jail during Ayub’s regime. He was known for his conciliatory approach to politics. Atuallah Mengal became the chief minister. The other main Baloch political leader in the government was Khair Bakhsh Marri who headed the NAP in the provincial assembly. At this time, Nawab Akbar Bugti was aligned with Bhutto and against the provincial government. Marri and Mengal were both leftist in their political inclinations and the new provincial government set about on an ambitious agenda of reforms. A large number of the local police and bureaucracy and intelligentsia was dominated by Punjabis. This issue was somewhat neutralized when the chief minister of Punjab Ghulam Mustafa Khar made the decision to recall many Punjabi bureaucrats and police servicemen to Punjab.
The issue of Punjabi bureaucracy illustrates the difficulty faced by the provincial government – on the one hand,it was resentful of the over-representation of Punjabis in the civil service and professional class, on the other hand the fact that Balochistan was so poorly developed necessitated the presence of outsiders.
Another point of contention between the province and the center was when provincial government decided to establish its own rural police called theDehi Muhafiz. This was done in part to fill the vacuum left by the abolishment of the Civil Armed Force by the federal government and in part due to the perceived non-cooperation of the police which was under the Interior ministry headed by Abdul Qayyum Khan, a lifelong enemy of the NAP and Wali Khan.
It is not surprising why the actions of the provincial government, while by no means particularly aggressive (for example, it chose Urdu over Balochi as the official provincial language), were regarded with suspicion by the centre. For one thing, the Bhutto government was closely aligned with the Shah of Iran and the Shah was deeply suspicious of any political autonomy given to Balochistan since he had just spent a decade suppressing secessionist movements in Iranian Balochistan. Iraq, allied with the USSR, had a history of supporting Baloch separatism in Iran in response to Iran’s support of Kurd separatists in Iraq. So the US, too, was suspicious of the political empowerment of the Pakistani Baloch. The Pakistani army, fresh from its defeat in East Pakistan, was deeply suspicious of the Baloch nationalists and moves like the establishment of the provincial rural police only added to this suspicion.
In September 1972, the central government actually accused the NAP leaders of what was called the “London Conspiracy” with Mujibur Rehman – allegedly they had plotted to divide Pakistan up into four states. The government never provided any evidence for these claims beyond the physical presence of the leaders in London.
By early 1973, a law and order situation had arisen in Patfeeder and Lasbela districts of Balochistan. The provincial government sent the Dehi Muhafiz to handle the situation and the central government allegedly (although it later denied it) sent its own armed forces that actually ended up skirmishing with the Dehi Muhafiz. According the Adeel Khan, the essentially provincial issues of local law and order faced by the NAP government were exacerbated by the high-handed interference of the central government and thus magnified, dooming the provincial government to failure. As the threat of India on the Eastern border diminished, the army’s heavy-handedness in dealing with Balochistan, after a brief period of respite in early 1972, increased. Finally in February 1973, Bhutto abruptly dismissed the provincial government. The dismissal was justified by the claim that a large cache of weapons had been discovered in the Iraqi embassy in Islamabad, en route to Balochistan to be used to arm Baloch nationalist militias. This claim became the basis of the infamous Hyderabad tribunal from 1975- 1979 and which led to the banning of the National Awami Party in 1975, on the basis that it was acting against the interests of Pakistan. Nawab Akbar Bugti played a significant role in making accusations against the NAP politicians, claiming, among other things that Mengal and Wali Khan had shared with him their “free Balochistan” plan in early 1973. Mengal, Bizenjo, Wali Khan and Marri were all imprisoned for several years.
Why did Bhutto take this step and was there any justification for it? According to Ataullah Mengal, the dismissal of the government was directly related to Bhutto’s inability to share power from the centre, especially with a party that he distrusted as much as the NAP. Dr. Mubashir Hasan, a PPP minister, in his book The Mirage of Power claims that the dismissal was a consequence more of the Army and bureaucracy’s suspicion of the NAP-JUI government and that Bhutto’s hand was forced. Pro-establishment politicians like Abdul Qayyum Khan were said to have played in a role in driving a wedge between the PPP and the NAP.
Others argue that Bhutto’s hands were tied by his loyalty to the Shah of Iran. Indeed in the subsequent military operation in Balochistan from 1973-1977, key help was provided by Iran in the form of US manufactured Cobra helicopters that were crucial in fighting the Baloch guerillas in the mountainous terrain.
The argument that Bhutto’s hands were tied, however, does not hold much water when the events of the Liaquat Bagh public meeting held on 23 March 1973 are taken into consideration. The NAP and other opposition party members (under the collective banner of the United Democratic Front) held a rally to protest the dismissal of the Balochistan government and were fired upon by the paramilitary federal security force. Wali Khan narrowly escaped death and over a dozen party workers were killed. Mubashir Hasan quotes Bhutto, describing how he got a consensus on the Constitution as saying the following:While putting on a facade of conciliation I was firm in my belief that the violent threat had to be faced courageously at the right moment. The right movement came on the 23rd of March 1973. I had no doubt in my mind that the ground had to be held no matter what the cost. So much so that some of the so-called militant leaders of my party were expressing their doubts on whether 23rd of March should be made the decisive day for a show of strength. Firmness and flexibility were combined to bring about the unanimous approval of the constitution. If the classical attitude of the opposition is gauged, if the historical position of the NAP and the statements of their leaders are scrutinized it would appear that the consensus on the Constitution was a miracle. It was not a miracle, all it needed was clear thinking, steady nerves, correct strategy, a sense of anticipation and the collaboration of my principle colleagues.
This quote neatly illustrates both Bhutto’s brilliant political instincts and his unscrupulousness. Given this statement, it is very, very difficult to believe the argument that Bhutto’s ‘hands were tied’ in his dealings with the NAP. One of Bhutto’s gifts as a politician was his ability to gain politically, in tandem with the military elite’s own goals. I believe that the dismissal of the Balochistan government was as much a consequence of Bhutto’s distrust of the NAP and his desire to see it neutralized as a voice in the opposition as it was an action taken by the military.
The military action that followed the dismissal of the Balochistan government lasted until 1977 and due to its brutality succeeded in uniting all factions of the Baloch nationalists against the government of Pakistan. Even Akbar Bugti, who initially supported the operation and who was made governor of Balochistan following Bizenjo’s dismissal, resigned in 1974 as a result of his disagreement with the centre on the military operation in Balochistan.
So the first representative provincial government of Balochistan lasted only 10 months in an ill-fated tenure against almost impossible odds – a hostile military and hostility from several foreign powers. Bhutto had an opportunity to manage this difficult balance in a way that would not have alienated the Baloch politicians but chose to gain politically by first coercing the NAP to support his constitution and then ultimately neutralizing the threat it posed through the Hyderabad Tribunal. The dismissal of the government led to a long and bloody military action in the province which would have been entirely avoidable through political compromise. Mubashir Hasan rightly claims that the the Pakistani army as an institution is, when crude political intrigue fails, unable to deal with domestic unrest with anything other than brute force. However, Hasan’s analysis is equally applicable to the short-sighted and heavy-handed behavior of Bhutto towards the provincial government.
References:
Mubashir Hasan, The Mirage of Power
Adeel Khan, Politics of Identity: Ethnic Nationalism and the State in Pakistan
Taj Muhammad Breseeg, Baloch Nationalism: Its origin and development
Naudir Bakht, Role of Mr. Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo in the politics of Balochistan: An Analysis
Re: Pakistan Day: JSQM leader demands freedom for Sindh and Balochistan
You are not Sindhi and you are a racist and you have an agenda against Sindh and Sindhis. What do you know Sindh? How dare you talk about Sindh. Don’t talk about Sindh. Focus on your province.
Re: Pakistan Day: JSQM leader demands freedom for Sindh and Balochistan
Exactly retard thugs and blackmailers said the same words for Bengali, result was humiliation, shame and breakup, and shoes in the black faces of such thinkers.
fact is bad governance of PPP is providing opportunity to the nationalists as well as extremists to rear their heads in the province.
Re: Pakistan Day: JSQM leader demands freedom for Sindh and Balochistan
First military action took place in 1948 , Two more prior to 1973
This is the dearest adventure of our establishment .
Why did the one in 73 take place? Why did killing and dumping of Baloch activists begin in the previous tenure of PPP? PPP is good in talking about minorities and smaller nationalities while in opposition (as they say in Punjabi "gallan day gaalaR"), otherwise nothing good has come out when ever the party has ruled.
Re: Pakistan Day: JSQM leader demands freedom for Sindh and Balochistan
Why did the one in 73 take place? Why did killing and dumping of Baloch activists begin in the previous tenure of PPP? PPP is good in talking about minorities and smaller nationalities while in opposition (as they say in Punjabi "gallan day gaalaR"), otherwise nothing good has come out when ever the party has ruled.
73 main 71 ki mar say janbar ho kar dobarh khail khaila gia , Mistake , misguided or majboori of Bhutto .
Baluch ko dena kuchh naheen , siraf looto aur maro , Bhutoo government ko khatam hooay 37 years ho giay . Operations are since 48 , Only way is available in the thread about provinces . You have read that , the only way , very wisely to act but who can tell our power brokers .
In 1972, the remaining Pakistan was at its turning point. Military regime of Yahya Khan had given up power and Z.A Bhutto had got control of the reins of the country. He had a golden opportunity to create a new Pakistan and reverse all the injustices of the past. He had full authority and public support but He missed the opportunity. Instead, he spent his entire 5 and half years stint to increase his powers by hook or crook. One of the blunders that he Committed was the dismissal of NAP government in balochistan and subsequent military operation which took lives of thousands of persons. History will never forgive Bhutto for this act as it laid the foundations of an approach which never allowed Balochistan to be part of Mainstream power structure in Pakistan. Current conflict in Balochistan can be traced down to the dismissal of NAP government.
NAP had won majority of seats in Balochistan assembly in 1970 elections. Awami League had won majority in National Assembly but the ruling elite of West Pakistan refused to give power to Bengalese. This triggered a liberation movement which culminated in formation of Bangladesh. In remaining Pakistan PPP formed government in centre, Punjab and Sindh. NAP, which was an alliance of left wing nationalist parties of small provinces, formed government in Balochistan and NWFP (Now Khyber Pakhtoonkhaw). **Since day one Bhutto was against NAP government and didn’t accept them from heart. First he delayed their formation for 5 months and finally both governments took power in May 1972. Immediately after taking power NAP government in Balochistan started facing different conspiracies masterminded by Bhutto to get rid of it. **Saradr Attaullah Mengal was the Chief Minister and Ghaus Bux Bizenjo was Governor of Balochistan. These two charismatic politicians not only had to manage governance issues but also handle the difficulties created by Bhutto for them.
First problem that was created for NAP government was the issue of Surplus-pool employees. When the west Pakistan government in one unit was dissolved its surplus employees were shifted to Balochistan. At that time it was agreed that after sometime these employees would go to their own provinces. When NAP government assumed power it asked for the transfer of these employees to their provinces. It was decided in the chief secretaries committee of all four provinces that these employees would go in four batches with gap of 3 months between each batch. Ghulam Mustafa Khar, then governor Punjab, asked all Punjabi employees to return from Balochistan in one month. This was against the understanding on this issue and created huge problems for the newly formed government of NAP. This seriously hampered the governance of NAP government because employees in huge numbers left Balochistan within two months. This was first step to deliberately create difficulties for NAP government by PPP.
In January 1973, A huge cache of Arms was discovered from Iraqi embassy in Islamabad. Bhutto alleged that these Arms were to be supplied to the NAP government in Balochistan so that they can wage war against state. This was a very ridiculous allegation by Bhutto and his cronies and hard to digest for any sensible person. If weapons were For NAP government it could have been easily smuggled through vast coast of Balochistan or also through Karachi. It would be idiotic to first deliver the Arms to Islamabad then back to Balochistan. These weapons were displayed in Islamabad and then transported throughout the country in order to develop a case against NAP government. This just reflected the mentality of Bhutto that How much he could fall to achieve his objectives bloody rascal.
Last conspiracy planned and carried out by Bhutto and his cronies was the Revolt of Jams in Lasbela against NAP government. In January Bhutto and Abdul Qayyum Khan (Interior Minister) supplied weapons to the Jam of Lasbela, Jam Ghulam Qadir to revolt against the provincial government. After their revolt NAP government ordered Militia (FC) to quell the revolt of Jams but the commander of Militia Naseerullah Babar refused because federal government had ordered him. Then Chief Minister, Attaullah Mengal gathered Rural Police and asked people of Khuzadr to Help against this revolt. Together these two groups entered Lasbela and Bhutto created the impression that NAP government is using private Lashkars to attack its political opponents. Using this as pretext, Army was ordered to enter Lasbela and Bhutto alleged that NAP government had besieged people of Lasbela which was completely untrue. After building a case against NAP government, the civilian dictator Z.A Bhutto dismissed NAP government in Balochistan on 15th February 1973. People of Balochistan stood up or their rights and in ordered to crush them Bhutto sent in the Army and operation was started. After four years the same Army toppled the government of Bhutto and after further two years Bhutto was hanged. As you sow so shall you reap.
Re: Pakistan Day: JSQM leader demands freedom for Sindh and Balochistan
I think Pakistan will be facing challenging times in near future. The country is facing multiple problems and the Sindhi movement will be a further addition to it. Only if Pakistan in its short history of 67 years behaved in a more equitable way it would have prevented problems in Baluchistan and Sindh. Those of you who think that this is all because of Waderas and Sardars are foolish. In fact these same Waderas and Sardars are used against each other by the state in the short term. Whereas, the requirement should have been a focus on the long term and that is the indigenous Sindhi's and balochis. The state have denied their rights by empowering those cruel Nawabs, Waderas and Sardars on them. Nothing has changed in Pakistan from 1947 till now, it was a colony of Brits now it is the colony of land owners protected by the state.
mujhay aik single post dikha do jiss main nay tum par pahlay attack kia ho! main tumhain tumahri zaban main jawab daita hoon to mirchain lag jati hain :mirch:
Has your id been hacked by a jiyala?
aap key batain sun sun kar kawa bhi chita ho gia leekain aap key sui establishment par aa kar atak gai hay.
aur baqi sub key bud-mashi 
kia baat hay 
