Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

Re: I SALUTE THE AKBAR BUGTI FOR HIS SACRIFICE OF LIFE ..

I am a muhajir from Karachi and I am telling you I was there when Mqm was coming along. I have seen and been with them from the start and let me tell you Altaf and his ilks are a threat to National security and should be killed. As for GM Syed and Bugtee yeah they were there when Pakistan came into being and yes they had some role in it. But the difference is they couldn't abide that thier authority be challenged and when that become apparent that they wouldn't be a big part they became bitter and against Pakistan. Read your history and understand thiet psych. They were dictators in thier own way and wanted absoulte control on thier domains. Don;t go blaming Punjabis about all the ills of Pakistan. It is the elite of Pakistan, who doesn't subscribe to any race or ethinicty. Thier allegiance is only to themselves and trust me they don't give a damn if you are Punjabi, Balochi, Sindhi, Pakhtoon or Mohajir. If anyone thinks otherwise may be he/she should revisit facts.

Bugti Had Asked For It

Akbar Bugti was biggest anti-state rebellious parasite we saw in Pakistan who talked about Balochi rights but who’s passion was more money and power for his sirdari. He kept all Balochi people uneducated and jahil so he can keep on making them his slaves and isolate them till times to come.

There is a good article by Muhammad Abd al-Hameed about this man and I will present for you.

http://www.despardes.com/articles/sep06/20060905-bugti-asked-for-it.htm

Bugti Had Asked For It

By Muhammad Abd al-Hameed

Akbar Bugti had asked for it. He always thrived on blackmail. This time he raised the stakes too high—and lost.

He was a frog that believed his well was an ocean. Within days of the fall of Dhaka in December 1971, he declared that “Pakistan will cease to exist within 18 months.” He hoped Indira Gandhi would come to his help to create another country and make him its king.

He had to wait 35 years before an unholy alliance emerged to help him realize his dream. The intelligence agencies of the U.S., India and Afghanistan conspired to destabilize Balochistan, with each having its own objective. The U.S. wanted to create enough chaos to prevent our government from stopping covert operations into Iran if and when the Americans decided that the time had come. (Iran has many of its nuclear installations near our border to keep them as far away as possible from Israeli air strikes.) India is always keen to create trouble for us whenever it can. And anybody can rent the Afghans.

Methodical response: Big money poured in. So did weapons. Akbar, along with Marris and Mengals, formed “Balochistan Liberation Army” and hired mercenaries for subversive activities all over the country, mostly in Balochistan. A strong media campaign was started to project the subversion as a “struggle for the rights of the oppressed Balochis.” The hired guns in the media and politics raised the specter of “another Bangladesh.” The sky was about to fall—or so they claimed.

Rather than taking any knee-jerk action, the government moved methodically. It traced the sources of money and weapons and started blocking them. The farari camps were demolished as soon as located. India was given a message that it was a game that both can play.

The turning point came when conclusive evidence of subversion was shown to the U.S. President during his visit to Islamabad. The American intelligence was reined in, fearing that Taliban could be given a free hand if it was not done. The Indians received a few spectacular messages that forced them to back off. And Hamid Karzai stopped his adventurers for fear of serious consequences.

The sabotage activities, which the New York Times correspondent in Kabul glorified as “civil war,” started petering out. (However, the money and the weapons in the pipeline continued to work at a low level). Akbar read the writing on the wall. He was too arrogant to surrender but also had little hope of any success. So, he prepared his exit strategy.

Murderer fears death: Akbar, a cruel and murderous person, found it easy to kill others. (He committed his first murder when he was just 12 and killed many more afterwards. He was also jailed for one.) But he did not have the courage to face death himself. If he had an element of bravery, he would have stayed right in his home in Dera Bugti and declared that he was not going anywhere, even if he was killed. His escape to nearby mountains was just bravado and an attempt to create a positive image in the media, particularly abroad.

It is significant that he moved into a secret hiding place near Kohlu, many kilometers away from his home area. It is also significant that he had with him 100 million rupees and 96,000 dollars in cash and two satellite phones. The money was not for his mercenaries because he could not handle personally the day-to-day operations over a vast area, nor could he allow many people to visit him for fear of exposing his secret hideout. There was nothing else to buy in the desolate desert.

The only possible use of the money for Akbar could be to buy his way out of the country. (The sons of Saddam Husain, when they were killed, also had a million dollars in cash with them in their hiding place in Mosul. They too wanted to buy their way out, to neighboring Syria.)

Akbar was waiting for his men to arrange for his escape to the Makran coast and from there in a launch to the long coast of Oman, where he could get refuge. (Oman owned Gwadar until 1958 and has a substantial Baloch population. It has very close relations with the U.S. and U.K.)

Oblivious to difference: Our media and politics have the largest number of warped minds among all professions. They are oblivious of the difference between somebody being anti-government and anti state. Opposing the government is perfectly legitimate activity. (In that case too, strikes, processions and other disruptive activities for political purposes are not permissible in any democratic state). Violence in any form, destruction of vital installations, bomb blasts in urban areas and attacks on security forces are anti-state actions, not political activities.

Akbar had been anti-state all his life. He never did anything that could be interpreted to be in the national interest. He boycotted the use of the national language for quite some time only to show his hatred for the nation. He became the Governor and later the Chief Minister of Balochistan only for selfish reasons. As Governor, he did not resign in protest against the military action by Z A Bhutto in his own province. Instead, he gave it his full support because he wanted his bitter rivals, Marris and Mengals, to be crushed.

His always used rebellious behavior and violence to blackmail the successive federal governments for money, besides satisfying his enormous ego. (This money was never spent on the welfare of his people.) However, to camouflage his selfish motives, he would talk of “the rights of the Baloch people” and “the provincial autonomy.” The weak-kneed federal governments would give in and he would end up getting more money and benefits.

What “rights,” what “autonomy?” By “the rights of the Baloch people,” he meant that all natural resources in the province belonged to the Balochis. Now, nowhere in the world the provinces own the natural resources. Even an individual finding something in his own land has to surrender it to the national government. It is always the national government that exploits the natural resources in the interest of the entire nation. (If we go by his logic, Punjab should own all major rivers because they happen to pass through it and other provinces should pay royalty for every drop of water they take. The reality is that the other provinces do not allow even storage of river water in the Punjab and produce electricity from it.)

The natural gas in Balochistan was the major source that Akbar claimed belonged to his province. The payment of royalty on this gas (as well as electricity in NWFP) was the result of sheer blackmail—again for money. Bhutto had no MNAs of his party from the two provinces and hence could not give credibility to his constitution without the support of NAP that was in majority there. (Akbar too was a part of it.) NAP asked for royalty and Bhutto readily agreed. (After all, it was to be paid mostly by the Punjab, being the biggest consumer, for whom he had no love, despite coming into power primarily with its support.) Is it not curious that royalty is paid only on two natural resources and that too despite the fact that the federal government makes entire investment on production and distribution of gas and hydel electricity?

As for the provincial autonomy, the smallest provinces (NWFP and Balochistan) could get it right when the constitution was being discussed. They could ask for the deletion of the Concurrent List that gave legislative powers jointly to the federal and provincial governments so that the provinces could get all powers in the list. But they were more interested in money than autonomy. Hence they settled for royalty.

Up against a strong will. Akbar Bugti had always succeeded in his blackmail. Bolstered by the money and weapons from the intelligence agencies of the U.S., India and Afghanistan, he raised the ante too high. He might not have much hope of success in secession, but he certainly intended to drive a very hard bargain for more money and perks, with a high hope of success. (Zafarullah Jamali, as Prime Minister, had rushed to Dera Bugti to pay his respects, while others were also keen to placate him.)

However, he failed to realize the determination of the man he was up against. You can reason with President Musharraf. You can convince him with your arguments. But there is just no way to challenge him and expect the former commando to back down. Akbar had to surrender and give up his anti-state actions before he could ask for anything.

The chain of events. What happened during the last days of August can be understood if we ignore the distortions and hallucinations of the warped minds. The facts are reasonably obvious. According to newspaper reports, Akbar was out of touch with his favorites in the media for the previous two weeks, after leaving for his secret place.

On August 23, two helicopters were on a reconnaissance mission in the area. Akbar’s guards got panicky, fearing that their sardar’s hideout had been discovered and they were now under attack. They fired heavily and one of the helicopters was damaged. Another helicopter was sent to the spot to confirm the existence of a farari camp. It got still stronger fire and was also damaged. That led the law enforcement agencies to conclude that there was “a high value target” there and they decided to take ground action. (It is also possible, as a theory goes, that the Marris finally took their revenge for his excesses against them by exposing Akbar’s location with their firing.)

On learning from persons outside that Akbar was inside the cave, the army officers sent a Bugti guide in. Presumably, he informed Akbar that he was surrounded and that army officers wanted to talk to him. Realizing that resistance in this situation would be futile and an exchange of fire would end in his certain death, he agreed to let them in. It was then that the army officers entered the cave. Before going in, they obviously ensured that there was no firing from their side because that would have endangered their own lives.

There was no reason to kill Akbar Bugti. The law enforcement agencies knew quite well the likely consequences of his death. If there ever was any intention to kill Akbar, it could have been done long ago. When journalists and politicians were going on sponsored visits to him, it was not difficult at all to locate and kill him. So, his arrest from his cave would have served the purpose by destroying the morale of his mercenaries. Why get the blame for the murder of a 80-year-old sick man already nearing his end? Moreover, Bhutto was enough of a lesson for all times.

By sheer coincidence, the cave collapsed precisely when the army officers were just inside it. Some explosive device in the cave detonated accidentally. The officers, as well as those on the other side, were all killed. As an expression of poetic justice, the very land that Akbar claimed as his own, buried him alive.

Why do the warped minds not accept a plausible explanation of what had happened? If they do, they cannot blame the government. And they thrive on accusations, criticism, cynicism. No wonder, they twist, distort and misinterpret whatever does not suit them. It is not surprising that they have been calling the rebellious acts of Akbar as “political activity” and clamoring for negotiations with him. They do not realize that no government talks to the openly rebellious. There are never negotiations and no compromise with those who go for sabotage and subversion. No state treats the secessionists kindly.

What next? What will happen next? The doomsayers have a standard mindset; they always predict “more of the same” because they presume things to remain as they are. The hired hacks will continue to cry hoarse in protest for some more days. The petty politicians will continue to fish in dirty waters, egged on by Akbar’s family that has been banished by its own tribe. Then calm will prevail, with the remaining mercenaries also surrendering.

Meanwhile, the process of big changes will continue. The reality is that Balochistan is already transforming itself. Among many others, there are three major developments:

a) Law and order. The sardars will no longer control law and order and the judicial system, as they had been doing since the British colonial period. They used to recruit levies that served as their police and would decide cases the way they liked. The police and courts used to cover just 5% of the province, called A area, while the rest was B area. President Musharraf is the first ruler to have the determination to enforce the writ of the government all over Balochistan, which is almost half of the country’s area. Under a phased plan, over half of the districts are already in A rarea. The rest will be covered soon. Sardars will no longer control life and property of their tribes.

b) Development projects. The major highways, starting from Gwadar in all directions, are opening up the province, facilitating internal movement for isolated tribal people, promoting trade, (especially regional), making easier the exploration for oil, gas and other mineral resources and increase industrial development. Then there are mega projects worth Rs 135 billions. As a result, there will be jobs many times more than the entire adult population of Balochistan.

c) Agriculture. A large number of small dams are being constructed, with a total water storage capacity twice that of Tarbela Dam. Hundreds of thousands of hectares of presently barren land will come under cultivation. Those who have been nomads and shepherds for centuries will become farmers for the first time.

The current developments will bring about the greatest transformation of the region where Mehergarh was the first cradle of civilization 10,000 years ago. The tribal system, with champions like Akbar Bugti, will find itself in the dustbin of history. And the petty minds that talk today of “nationalities” will meet the same fate as that of the Soviet Union that had inspired them in the first place. As for the countries that conspired to support the insurgency will have back home far bigger problems than they had tried to cause for us. But that is another story.

Re: Bugti Had Asked For It

Despardes?!

Anyways, already been discussed for many,many pages here:

http://www.paklinks.com/gs/showthread.php?t=228684&page=16

Re: Bugti Had Asked For It

This is a new article just posted TODAY.

Re: Bugti Had Asked For It

How these Baloch Sardars managed to get this much weapon and who provided them??? (They have no border with India.) :slight_smile:

This means Musharaf and his army and league are in fear. They have murdered too.

Akhar Bugti had been involved directly or indirectly with most governments and this was the first time he was blamed (then targeted and killed) .

The situation is not very much different in Islamabad. No one has approached any court about Bugti’s death even after 2 weeks. The courts decide on the will of the ONE who is in power.

It is not limited to Bugti. Every Politician in Balochistan uses (or have used at some stage) the slogan “the rights of the Baloch people”, as if they were asked by army to do so. There are many reasons to that , the most important, there was No development done in Balochistan by any past government. Balochistan was neglected for almost 50 years. Even this government accepts this fact.

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

Thats because when you join the army and enroll, the army invests in you, feed you and train you and that aint free chanda, and plus you shouldnt complain because before joining you are made aware of all this by signing a bond!

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

What I dont understand is how the country can lose by allowing the province more autonomy and allowing them control over their own resources????

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

but it would decrease the power of our rulers because they wont have control over provinces thatswhy its not good for the country.
no political party want it in rality because leader of the party would be PM and he/she wont enjoy the power.

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

Obviously, a lot of people will lose power and these people would rather lose Pakistan then their power. Tell me how they are not traitors?

Let’s see how long this one goes before it is killed. Good to see Sheikh Rashid is still upto old tricks.

http://www.dawn.com/2006/09/06/top1.htm

Autonomy bill tabled in NA: Call to abolish concurrent list

By Raja Asghar

ISLAMABAD, Sept 5: Pressed by events in Balochistan, the government agreed to the tabling of an opposition constitution amendment bill for more provincial autonomy in the National Assembly on Tuesday, calling the widely backed move “the need of the hour”.

In an unusual show of accommodation, Parliamentary Affairs Minister Sher Afgan Khan Niazi promised to arrange consultations between the ruling party and the opposition, besides discussions in a house standing committee, to achieve a consensus on the bill, which seeks deletion of the key Concurrent Legislative List from the constitution.

The Constitution (Amendment) Bill 2006, sponsored by nine opposition members, was among 13 — mostly opposition-authored private bills — introduced in the house with the government’s consent on what was a private members’ day.

“It is the need of the hour,” Mr Niazi remarked after Abdul Mujeeb Pirzada of the People’s Party Parliamentarians (PPP) sought introduction of the constitution amendment bill, but suggested a deferment until consultations with ruling party president Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, who also headed a now stalled parliamentary committee on Balochistan and provincial autonomy.

The minister he said could arrange these talks within a week.

But on insistence from some opposition members and ruling coalition colleague, all of whom referred to the fast developing situation in Balochistan after the August 26 killing of Baloch leader Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti in a military operation, Mr Niazi agreed to the immediate introduction of the bill and its reference to the concerned standing committee of the house.

He said talks could still be held with the PML chief in search of a consensus which, he added, could be possible because the government and opposition parties “all want harmony among (the four) federating units” of the country.

Mr Pirzada said the concurrent list of 35 subjects about which both the federation and provinces could legislate was originally meant to be abolished within 10 years after the adoption of the 1973 constitution but that could not be done because of the intervention of the 1977 army coup by General Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq.

Now, he said, while Balochistan and Sindh provinces were “in a state of war” because of government crackdowns and a sense of deprivation, it was necessary for the future of the federation to abolish this list, which will mean transfer of 35 listed subjects to full provincial jurisdiction.

“Let us sit together,” Mr Pirzada said as he seemed agreeable to defer the bill’s introduction for consultations between the two sides.

But his party members Qurban Ali Shah and Naveed Qamar as well as Pakistan Muslim League-N member Pervez Malik, Abdul Kadir Khanzada of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement and Farid Ahmad Piracha of the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal, all of whom supported the bill on behalf of their parties, opposed delaying the issue.

MENGAL KEPT WAITING: Both Speaker Amir Hussain Chaudhry and Deputy Speaker Sardar Mohammad Yaqub were unusually accommodating to allow opposition members introduce bills, move some motions or make speeches on points order, but that was not the case with the only member of the Balochistan National Party-Mengal (BNP-M) in the house, Abdul Rauf Mengal.

Mr Mengal had planned to make a speech before submitting his resignation to the Speaker in line with the BNP-M decision for its members to quit parliament and the Balochistan provincial assembly to protest against Mr Bugti’s killing.

But that could not happen as each time the member rose from his front-row seat seeking to be heard, the chair would allow someone else to speak until the deputy speaker, who presided over the proceedings at time, used the muazzin’s call for Zuhar prayers to immediately adjourn the house until 10am on Wednesday.

Mr Mengal told reporters later he would now submit his resignation on Wednesday.

He said members of other opposition parties had asked him to wait until they all could probably resign together at some stage, but that he told them he must comply his party’s decision now.

RASHID PROVOKES WALKOUT: Railways Minister Sheikh Rashid Ahmed provoked a token protest walkout by the PPP and the PML-N members by refusing to disclose the amount of increase in the Railways’ advertising budget.

Replying to a call-attention notice from four PPP members regarding what they called the “spending of (a) huge budget of the Railways on advertisements”, the minister said the advertisement spending had been increased in line with the wishes of donor agencies but that “it is done within the budget”.

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

[quote=“junaid001”]

A strong center which controls everything is in direct conflict with the make up of the country… The center should allow the provinces full use of their resources and the right to negotiate their own contract with foreign and local investors. The central govt should facilitate this and only get involved if the province which controls its respective resource decides to horde said resource or tries to damage the intrests of other provinces.

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

ditto....that the best solution. it is done all over the industrialized world, especially USA wheres states are given alot of autonomy so they can wish to do whatever they want(ex: create laws, use of resources etc....)

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

do you think our people agree to pay two taxes federal and state

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

this is what needed and this what shall have o be done or may be in this fast changing situation who knows what happens.
in miranshah they had returned without any issue and i muct they must not let balouchistan reach point of no return.

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

umm pak fed gov't as is doesnt collect very much taxes. i think around less then 10% actually pay taxes.............so...... state autonomy might actually increase tax revenues, who knows

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

Other then Karachi, not many are paying taxes to begin with.

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

Divided We Fall

Pakistan’s increasing polarization can be cured by democracy

Monday, Sep. 04, 2006
When I made a reporting trip to Pakistan’s rugged Baluchistan province in 2004, I expected to encounter strong feelings against the central government in Islamabad. Baluchistan was in the grips of a low-level insurgency, with tribesmen demanding greater autonomy for the province. Just days before my trip, a roadside bomb in the Baluch fishing village of Gwadar had killed five Chinese engineers working on Pakistan’s premier development project: a massive new port. So I was surprised to see children in Gwadar playing cricket in replicas of the uniforms of Pakistan’s national team. In fact, the only hostility I encountered was from aggressive undercover security agents who questioned me rudely and threatened to seize my camera.
Afterwards, a shop owner, overhearing me complain on the phone about my treatment, invited me to his home for lunch. “The army is disrespectful to us,” he said. “They take away our young men and beat them for no reason. We are Pakistanis, but they treat us like foreigners.” And so, in his opinion, did the central government. “None of the work on the port has gone to people from Gwadar,” he added. “They are spending billions of rupees on it, but they have not even built us a proper hospital.” Like the children playing cricket, he seemed to consider himself very much a Pakistani. But he resented Islamabad’s heavy-handed approach and the troops it deployed to enforce its policies. I left Gwadar with new sympathy for the Baluch and their desire for more say in their affairs.

Two years later, the insurgency in Baluchistan has grown. And last week’s announcement by the army that it has killed Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti is a sign that the military has failed to understand that its belligerent tactics only make matters worse. Bugti was a rebel leader and a member of an oppressive class of tribal chieftains who control much of Baluchistan as their personal fiefdom. But he was also a former governor of the province and a respected elder to many Baluch. His death, which has triggered unrest and rioting in Baluchistan, is symbolic of our government’s refusal to address the grievances of large numbers of Pakistanis who feel ignored and marginalized by Islamabad’s policies. The Baluch, for example, believe they do not receive a fair share of the revenues from the natural gas produced in their province.

I was originally opposed to the 1999 coup that brought the President, General Pervez Musharraf, to power. But after 9/11 and the war against the Taliban in Afghanistan, he seemed to offer a steady and in some ways liberal hand during a period of great uncertainty for Pakistan. Under Musharraf, we have witnessed rapid economic growth and a soaring stock market, a liberalization of private media outlets, and the resumption of a peace process with India. But that sense of hope is now fading. One of the legacies of seven years of rule by the army chief is a Pakistan that has become deeply divided.

The fissures are visible at multiple levels. The most obvious example is that of attack helicopters hunting down rebels in Baluchistan and the tribal areas of our northwest frontier?rebels who are our fellow citizens. But equally dangerous is the chronic failure of our provinces to agree on new dams essential to meeting our future needs for water. Or the inability of our society to channel dissent into debate, an inability that means the publication of cartoons in a newspaper in Denmark is able to provoke not just a response in our own newspapers but also riots that transform our cities into virtual battlegrounds. The failure to bridge such divisions is particularly dangerous for Pakistan as a country with myriad ethnic and religious groups. The rich-poor divide feeds the waves of crime rocking cities like Karachi, and the ideological war between Sunni and Shia Muslims fuels domestic terrorism.

What Pakistan needs is compromise: between provinces, between religion and secularism, between the desire for growth and the imperative to check inflation, between us and our neighbors. But a government led by a President in a soldier’s uniform has proven ill-suited to striking compromises. So we must try the alternative: a return to democracy, with its inherent horse trading, messiness, and false starts. Such a transition will not be without risk, and many Pakistanis are frightened by the potential for instability. But the alternative, a continuation of the status quo, in which our President lacks the legitimacy that comes from having stood in a fair election and large segments of the country feel unrepresented by the state, is even riskier.

The first challenge, of course, is to convince Musharraf to stand down at the end of his current term and allow the elections scheduled for 2007 to be free and fair. He would do well to bear in mind that the people of Gwadar want jobs and a hospital, not army checkposts. No matter how many tribal chiefs are killed, in this the people of Gwadar will never be alone.

Mohsin Hamid’s new novel, The Reluctant Fundamentalist, will be released by Harcourt and Hamish Hamilton next year

http://www.time.com/time/asia/magazine/article/0,13673,501060911-1531432,00.html
By MOHSIN HAMID

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

Good to read the first hand account exposing army brutality. Very few Pakistanis are willing to expose the dark side of ISI and MI.

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

If the taxes are affordable then why not…

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

The rabid things people believe and spread;
A guy yesterday narrated what some people he knew who were angered over Bugti’s death said. They told him they had ‘heard’ (and seriously believed it) that Bugti’s body was taken to GHQ and (hold your breath), General Musharraf urinated on it! :smack:
To this, my friend who narrated this to me, said to them, “Very sad, Musharraf did a very bad thing, why did he just urinate, why didnt he pass faeces too!?”
:rotfl:

Re: Nawab Akbar Bugti Killed (MERGED)

Pakistanis have a stan obsession with these conspiracy theories. Its starts at the very basic level between relatives and then evolves all the way onto the national level…
Still, one has to wonder, what sort of treasure could be hidden in Nawab Akber Bugtis body, that would be so alluring to the govt that they would want to keep his body?!?!?