Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

When will India learn that you can’t hold people against the will for ever?

Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violence
The hospitals are filling up with gunshot victims but angry protesters say the world is blind to their plight. Andrew Buncombe reports from Srinagar

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Srinagar residents burn an effigy of Omar Abdullah, the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir

A dozen men appeared, gathered around a blood-smeared trolley, rushing its occupant towards the emergency surgery room. Abdul Rashid, said his friends, had been shot in the head by police who had opened fire on a peaceful gathering. “There was no stone-pelting, nothing,” yelled one of the 25-year-old’s friends, as medics pulled shut the doors to the surgery room. “There was no curfew … They fired indiscriminately.”

Once again, Kashmir is burning. Buildings and barricades have been set alight and its people are enflamed. The largest towns are packed with heavily-armed police and the hospital wards are full of young men with gunshot wounds. Around 50 people have been killed since June, more than 31 in the last week alone, and dozens more have been wounded. The dead include young men, teenagers and even a nine-year-old boy, reportedly beaten to death by the security forces after he tried to walk to the local shop.

And yet for all their pain, the people of Kashmir believe they are suffering alone. They say that unlike places such as Kosovo or East Timor, which both secured independence in recent years, the world is deaf to Kashmir’s demands for autonomy. They blame the US and UN for not doing more and criticise Britain’s David Cameron for refusing to raise the issue of Kashmir when he visited India last month, declining to upset his hosts, with whom he was seeking to boost trade and investment deals, even as he bluntly criticised Pakistan for exporting terror. “We were disappointed and so were the people,” said Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, a moderate separatist leader who has been placed under house arrest. “Of all the foreign countries, Britain has more moral responsibility for this mess.”

Kashmir has long been troubled with violence and the previous two summers saw clashes between stone-throwers and the police. Yet some observers detect that these recent protests are different. More people have taken to the streets – women and the middle classes among them – and protesters have seemingly been more ready to accept the police’s bullets as the price for their struggle to break away from the Indian state. Moreover, the spirit of optimism and hope that existed after a young, idealist politician, Omar Abdullah, became chief minister 18 months ago, has disappeared. Some suggest Kashmir is witnessing an uprising.

If so, then the frontlines of this uprising are the stone-littered and razor wire-strewn streets of Kashmir’s largest towns such as Srinagar and Baramulla. It is here, amid rubbish and waste that has not been cleared for weeks, that crowds of demonstrators have repeatedly ignored curfew orders and the threat of being shot on sight to protest against the authorities. Some demonstrators have hurled stones at the police as if to incite a response, and cars and government buildings have been set alight. Yet many protests have been peaceful.

The police and paramilitary forces have responded with crushing force. Untrained and ill-equipped to deal with demonstrators using non-lethal methods, they have used tear gas, rubber bullets and live rounds to dispel the crowds.

With the crisis worsening and with the central government in Delhi increasingly concerned, Mr Abdullah, this week flew to the capital and asked for additional security personnel to be dispatched. He was granted his wish in the form of 1,500 paramilitaries and 300 special police.

This Rapid Action Force arrived in Srinagar on Thursday and by yesterday afternoon they were carrying out patrols through several many of the city’s neighbourhoods. Kitted out in blue uniforms and armed with automatic weapons, riot shields and helmets, these police sat unsmiling in their vehicles while residents simmered and stared. “They just want to make us scared, but we are not scared of these forces,” declared Abdul Rehman Billoo, a 50-year-old businessman, after a convoy of police trucks clattered through the city’s Ikhwan Chowk neighbourhood. “I am involved in the protests. Everybody is involved in the protests, from 50 years to 100 years. There is no age limit.”

A spokesman for the state government, Taj Mohi-Ud-Din, admitted the police in Jammu and Kashmir, which has been fighting militants since the late 1980s, were trained in counter-insurgency rather than crowd control. He said investment needed to be made in new non-lethal weapons, such as sonic guns and pepper sprays.

Yet he defended the government’s actions, saying the authorities had no alternative but to confront protesters who were damaging property and police were acting with restraint. “The directions are that they should only fire with rubber bullets, but there can always be exceptions,” he said. “We have said maximum restraint should be shown: firing should be the last resort.”

Yet amid the gloomy corridors and busy wards of Srinagar’s Sher-i-Kashmir Institute of Medical Sciences, such words ring hollow. If the streets are the frontline of Kashmir’s uprising, then this hospital is one of the places where the human cost of such an undertaking has been most clearly calculated. Since 30 July, the establishment has received more than 110 patients, injured either by rocks, tear gas or bullets. In the space of little over 60 minutes on Thursday evening, five injured people were brought in, among them Mr Rashid, the man who had been shot in the head by security forces in the town of Pulwama, 25 miles from Srinagar. Last night a medic said he remained in a critical condition.

On a ward on the hospital’s second floor where his friends and family clustered around, a 19-year-old man called Fidah Nabi was also in a critical condition. The teenager had been admitted on Tuesday after he too was shot in the head. Doctors operated on his mouth but had not dared remove the bullet from his brain and instead placed him in a medical coma. His face was swollen like a prize-fighter’s and his head was swathed in bandages, with wires and tubes hooked to monitors and drips. He was breathing by means of a ventilator. Mr Nabi’s elder brother, Ahmad, a photojournalist, said his brother had been shot after police opened fire on a group of demonstrators. He insisted that his brother was “completely innocent”.

On Thursday afternoon, Mr Abdullah, the chief minister, had landed by helicopter in the hospital grounds and visited the wards, stopping to meet Mr Nabi’s family. One of his aides apparently asked if the state could offer a job to one of the family by means of compensation. Mr Nabi’s mother said she responded by grabbing the chief minister by the shirt. Outside, confronted by angry crowds, the chief minister’s security guards spirited him away to his waiting helicopter.

“The police are firing at the head and the body, not the legs. This is a against human rights,” said one senior doctor, examining a CT scan image of Mr Nabi’s brain. A female colleague, who had worked there for seven years, said the situation was worse than she had ever seen. Children and women were among the victims. “We had another shooting victim come in tonight from Sopore. He is also critical,” she added.

Indeed, a quick tour of the wards found many recent cases of gunshot injuries. Most of the injured were young men but in one bed lay a woman, Munera Dobi, who had been shot in the back six days ago, also in Pulwama. The woman’s husband, Ahmed, said he was unsure if he would be able to work, now he would have to spend time nursing his wife. “We need freedom from India,” he said.

The Indian government is in no mind to give Kashmir its freedom. Since 1947, when the formerly independent state’s princely ruler, the Hindu Maharaja Hari Singh, controversially chose to join India rather than Pakistan, Delhi has vigorously defended the state against both Pakistan-backed militants and peaceful campaigners. The militancy, which gathered pace in 1989 and has now largely quietened, has claimed the lives of at least 60,000 people and resulted in the creation of one of the most highly militarised places on the planet. “Everyone knows that Kashmir is paradise on earth, but [the security forces] are making it hell,” said a friend of Mr Nabi.

Even now, the central government appears either unable or unwilling to try and break the cycle of violence, opting to send in more police and paramilitaries rather than seeking to offer some sort of political gesture, however minimal, that might break the deadlock. When it was reported that UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon had voiced his “concern” about the current violence, officials in Delhi described his comments as “gratuitous”. Even yesterday, India’s home minister, was seeking to deny the home-grown nature of the protests telling parliament “Pakistan appears to have altered its strategy in influencing events in Jammu and Kashmir. It is possible that they believe that relying upon civilian unrest will pay them better dividends”.

Without a bold political gesture the loop of violence is unlikely to end. Protests will go on, young people will throw stones, the police will kill people, there will be angry funerals that lead to more protests, more stones will be thrown, the police will shoot and kill more people. Kashmir’s agony is set to continue.

Decades of conflict

Why is there a dispute?

Kashmir has been at the heart of hostilities between India and Pakistan for more than 60 years. Kashmir, a largely Muslim state, joined India when it gained independence from Britain in 1947 on the wish of its Hindu ruler. The decision sparked the first of three wars between India and Pakistan over Kashmir.

The state was partitioned in 1948 along a ceasefire line, leaving two-thirds under the control of India and one-third under Pakistan. Both sides still claim the whole of the state. In addition to the rival claims of the two countries, a separatist movement began in 1989 against Indian rule. In the Kashmir valley, between 75 per cent and 95 per cent of people support independence from both India and Pakistan, according to a poll by the think-tank Chatham House. The two decades of violence between Indian security forces and Pakistan-backed militants have left more than 60,000 people dead.

Who is behind the latest protests?

Omar Abdullah, Kashmir’s chief minister, has not blamed any group in particular and says the protests were mainly leaderless. Human rights groups say India’s Armed Forces Special Powers Act – which gives security forces wide powers to shoot, arrest and search in battling a separatist insurgency – further alienates Kashmiris. India yesterday suggested that Pakistan was behind a “new strategy” of inciting civilian unrest.

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

There is a related news.

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

** Exclusive: Omar Abdullah vows to check human rights violations in J&K Part 1 **

why do these people wear masks and start attacking crpf officers in the middle of a peaceful funeral procession?there was news about a conversation between hurriyat leaders where they were talking about paying people to protest and even to get martyred in the protests

there are “elements” that keep messing with the sentiments of the people in the kashmir valley and ignite the situation

this is what a jammuite friend had told me i need to find the news source that had that online

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

I can give you links to Indian media, but they will just be dismissed as Indian propaganda by Pakistanis.

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

Thats because Indian media is neither honest onr ethical in its reporting of Kashmir. If you dont know that, then you know nothing off India.

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

as a total outsider, i'm just wondering why doesn't syed gilani ever go out himself in person to shout and throw stones without his body guards, why does he send these young teenage kids to throw stones and rocks. i mean if he's that passionate about his cause as a "leader" to all these young kashmiri muslims, i would believe it even more if he personally stood there and attacked crpf officers and did his own dirty work.....instead of doing hunger strike dramas

plus he still gets his salary from the indian government. how come? that would be the ultimate protest wouldn't it. yet he stays in his well guarded mansion while all these kids in the kashmir valley,that he might or might not have paid off, light their own clothes on fire and throw them at armed crpf officers or throw rocks....

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

^ All things aside, Geelani does not determine the freedom struggle.

Let's face it, the majority of Kashmiris in Indian Occupied Kashmir want Independence from India. Your PM can dress it up in as fancy a speech as possible, but that is the elementary position. That isn't Pakistani propoganda, it's the truth. In the 90's, Pakistan actively supported the freedom struggle by providing material support. During Musharraf's time, this was significantly scaled back. The Indian Army even admits that infilitration across the LOC has dimished signifcantly. The Kashmiris are literally going at it alone. The kids on the streets are Kashmiri, not militants trained by Pakistan. The teenagers being shot by Indian forces are Kashmiri and not terrorists.

I think the problem begins when India denies that Kashmiris want independence by linking the unrest with lack of 'job opportunities' and 'development.' Unfortunately, that is ignoring the base reality that very few Kashmiris consider themselves Indians.

As a Pakistani, I am perfectly happy with an Independent Kashmir composed of the Kashmir Valley, Jammu, Laddak and Azaad Kashmir; I think the majority of Pakistanis are fine with that.

Could we say the same about the majority of Indians?

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

^
How noble !

Maybe Pakistan should prove the moral bankruptcy of Indian stand by unilaterally holding a plebiscite on the Kashmiri territory in its control under UN supervision. Show the rest of the world how evil we Indians are and how morally upright the Pakistanis!

As for Indian controlled J&K, only a misguided and emotional majority of Sunni Kashmiris concentrated in Kashmir Valley (Pulwama, Sopore, Srinagar,Anantnag) wants independence at the moment. They didn't want it 20 years ago. The "Independence movement" was started by the ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Pandit community. In the Ladakh, Jammu, areas nobody wants "independence"., they are perfectly happy within the Indian Union.

And when are you giving independence to Balochistan? I hear Pakistani flags and anthems are not played in Baloch schools and colleges.

As an Indian , I am perfectly happy with an independent Balochistan. Can we say it about the majority of the Pakistanis ?

Be practical, do not give us moral lectures, Hamam mein sab nange hain !

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

This is what the CM of J&K says about why “independence is not a viable option”

he was being interviewed by a Pakistani reporter

so much has changed since the 1940s, in terms of demography of AJK and the map of AJK
when parts are given to china as gifts it doesn’t seem fair to India

watch from 7:31 onwards when he talks about that issue

](http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ibO3aMzossA&feature=related)

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

When will you Pakis realize that all these protests, killings, rapes, disappearances, mass graves etc. etc.. is a big lie concocted by Human Rights Watch.

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

**Kashmir loses faith in ‘princeling’ **

By Amy Kazmin

Published: August 15 2010 19:07 | Last updated: August 15 2010 19:07

Omar Abdullah, the youthful, articulate scion of one of south Asia’s pre-eminent political dynasties, raised hopes of healing and progress when he was elected last year as chief minister of India’s conflict-scarred state of Jammu and Kashmir](http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/b70432de-7f98-11dd-a3da-000077b07658.html).

Now those hopes lie in tatters](Subscribe to read), as disillusioned Kashmiri youths armed with stones fight daily street battles against heavily armed Indian security forces in a wave of feverish anti-India protests that have rocked the Muslim-majority region.

**Since the protests erupted in mid-June, security forces have opened fire repeatedly on furious crowds, killing 57 civilians – including six this weekend – and wounding hundreds. **

Mr Abdullah – English-educated, tech-savvy and earnest – is struggling to restore a semblance of normality to his deeply troubled realm, and secure New Delhi’s backing for a political package to redress some of Kashmiris’ long-standing grievances.

His battle to pull Kashmir back from the brink of chaos is **the first serious test of India’s heralded new generation of political leaders – **](http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/85a4f3e2-5c94-11df-bb38-00144feab49a.html)a cohort that includes his friend and contemporary, Rahul Gandhi, heir apparent to the ruling Congress party. So far, though, 40-year-old Mr Abdullah’s performance does not auger well. “A lot of these political princelings think their own good intentions are a substitute for governance and hard political decisions,” said Pratap Bhanu Mehta, president of New Delhi’s Centre for Policy Research.

“It’s ‘I am a nice guy, I care for the poor’,” said Mr Mehta. “In a sense, your virtue becomes your policy. But beyond a point, nobody cares about your virtue.” Mr Abdullah’s election](http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/0d99ff28-cbdb-11dd-ba02-000077b07658.html) in January last year heralded change in a state haunted by the legacy of a Pakistan-backed separatist insurgency and its brutal suppression, which together claimed about 68,000 lives.

He pledged to attract investment](http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/d8fed496-bd10-11de-a7ec-00144feab49a.html), create jobs and improve neglected basic services. Mr Abdullah, whose grandfather spent years in jail for advocating Kashmiri independence, promised to reduce security forces’ overbearing presence and bring justice for human rights abuses. The honeymoon ended abruptly, however, when the suspected rape and murder of two Kashmiri women on May 2 revealed the chasm between the privileged Mr Abdullah – groomed among India’s elite, mostly outside Kashmir – and his war-scarred subjects. Mr Abdullah’s backing of initial police claims that the women had drowned incensed locals, who suspected foul play by security forces.

“He knows Kashmir from the books he has read . . . but he doesn’t have a grip on the real thing,” said Arif Ayaz Parrey, a Kashmiri lawyer involved in reconciliation efforts in the disputed region.

“Kashmiris have been trained by experience to always contest government versions of events. That he doesn’t share that sentiment creates a basic disconnect.” Mr Abdullah’s efforts to push New Delhi to repeal laws granting immunity to the military for human rights abuses in Kashmir have also faced stiff resistance](Subscribe to read). “New Delhi is basically just not budging on that,” Mr Mehta said. “And he is not such a big authority figure that others move when he speaks.”

Meanwhile, security force abuses have continued. A high-ranking border patrol officer was arrested this year for the fatal shooting of a 16-year-old boy who booed passing troops, while an army colonel was relieved of duty and a major suspended for allegedly killing three Kashmiri civilians, claiming they were foreign militants. Kashmiri anger boiled over in June when a 17-year-old Srinagar schoolboy was killed by a police tear gas canister, triggering a cycle of protests, police killings and ever angrier protests](http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/6ce20686-83dd-11df-ba07-00144feabdc0.html). Separatist leaders are urging strikes and protests.

As bloodshed has escalated](Subscribe to read), New Delhi has accused Mr Abdullah of poor governance and failing to “reach out” to his disgruntled constituents. Reflecting the public disenchantment, a Kashmiri policeman in a high-security VIP box hurled a shoe at Mr Abdullah as India’s flag was hoisted in Srinagar at Sunday’s Indian independence day ceremony.

Yet even Mr Abdullah’s Kashmiri critics concede the crisis extends far beyond their rapidly greying elected leader.

“He is not in control. No chief minister in Kashmir can do anything without blessings from Delhi,” said Mr Parrey. “The only purpose he serves is as a scapegoat for the central government. But if he gets something done in real terms, I think public opinion about him might change.”

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

India attacks UN call for Kashmir calm

India has criticised the UN’s appeal for calm over the spiralling violence in Kashmir, as New Delhi sent more troops into the region, and police warned that protesters defying a curfew would be shot on sight. India’s ministry of external affairs issued a statement on Tuesday attacking the call for restraint by Ban Ki-moon, the UN secretary-general, last week as “gratuitous”. New Delhi also claimed that the UN chief never made any such remarks.

However, Mr Ban’s spokesman has told Indian media outlets that his office stands behind the comments where he expressed his concern about the deteriorating situation and called on “all concerned to exercise utmost restraint, and address problems peacefully”.

Meanwhile, police have used loudspeakers across Kashmir to urge people to stay inside their homes, and warning that those who defied the curfew would be shot on sight. But in spite of the threats, thousands of people defied the curfew to protest against Indian rule](http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/6340d8ca-9d62-11df-a37c-00144feab49a,dwp_uuid=2da6bd4a-9c83-11da-8762-0000779e2340.html) in the Muslim-majority province for a fifth day on Tuesday, leading to clashes with security forces that left four civilians dead, while a fifth person died of injuries sustained in earlier protests.

Since Friday, 27 civilians, mostly teenage boys but also a teenage girl and several younger children, have been killed, as Kashmir has descended into chaos](http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/bdc83800-9e3a-11df-b377-00144feab49a.html). Mobs have pelted heavily armed security forces with rocks, and ransacked state buildings, including police stations and paramilitary camps. Paramilitary forces](http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/d663f988-9bf3-11df-a7a4-00144feab49a.html) have responded by opening fire on crowds in towns and cities across Kashmir. Hospitals are said to be spilling over with scores of wounded victims.

The UN last week issued a rare appeal for calm in Kashmir, where tensions have been running high since June 11, when a 17-year-old schoolboy in Srinagar was shot dead by paramilitary police](Subscribe to read). His death triggered clashes with security forces, leading to more casualties and further demonstrations. A total of 44 civilians have been killed in the clashes since mid-June.

However, Omar Abudullah, chief minister](Subscribe to read), said that “the security forces have been as restrained as possible”, but he warned that the state would do whatever was required to restore “a semblance of normalcy”.

Western governments rarely broach the subject of Kashmir with New Delhi, which is notoriously sensitive about any perceived international interference in what it considers its “internal affairs”.

India was furious in 2008 when then presidential candidate Barack Obama said one of his foreign policy priorities was “working with Pakistan and India to try to resolve the Kashmir crisis”, which he said was fuelling conflict in the region

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/cf46f938-9f00-11df-931a-00144feabdc0.html

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

NY Times turns spotlight on Indian Forces in Kashmir

August 12, 2010
By LYDIA POLGREEN
SRINAGAR, Kashmir — Late Sunday night, after six days on life support with a bullet in his brain, Fida Nabi, a 19-year-old high school student, was unhooked from his ventilator at a hospital here.
Mr. Nabi was the 50th person to die in Kashmir’s bloody summer of rage. He had been shot in the head, his family and witnesses said, during a protest against India’s military presence in this disputed province.
For decades, India maintained hundreds of thousands of security forces in Kashmir to fight an insurgency sponsored by Pakistan, which claims this border region, too. The insurgency has been largely vanquished. But those Indian forces are still here, and today they face a threat potentially more dangerous to the world’s largest democracy: an intifada-like popular revolt against the Indian military presence that includes not just stone-throwing young men but their sisters, mothers, uncles and grandparents.
The protests, which have erupted for a third straight summer, have led India to one of its most serious internal crises in recent memory. Not just because of their ferocity and persistence, but because they signal the failure of decades of efforts to win the assent of Kashmiris using just about any tool available: money, elections and overwhelming force.
“We need a complete revisit of what our policies in Kashmir have been,” said Amitabh Mattoo, a professor of strategic affairs at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi and a Kashmiri Hindu. “It is not about money — you have spent huge amounts of money. It is not about fair elections. It is about reaching out to a generation of Kashmiris who think India is a huge monster represented by bunkers and security forces.”
Indeed, Kashmir’s demand for self-determination is sharper today than it has been at perhaps any other time in the region’s troubled history. It comes as — and in part because — diplomatic efforts remain frozen to resolve the dispute created more than 60 years ago with the partition of mostly Hindu India and Muslim Pakistan. Today each nation controls part of Kashmir, whose population is mostly Muslim.
Secret negotiations in 2007, which came close to creating an autonomous region shared by the two countries, foundered as Pervez Musharraf, then Pakistan’s president, lost his grip on power. The terrorist attacks in Mumbai, India’s financial capital, by Pakistani militants in 2008 derailed any hope for further talks.
Not least, India has consistently rebuffed any attempt at outside mediation or diplomatic entreaties, including efforts by the United States. The intransigence has left Kashmiris empty-handed and American officials with little to offer Pakistan on its central preoccupation — India and Kashmir — as they struggle to encourage Pakistan’s help in cracking down on the Taliban and other militants in the country.
With no apparent avenue to progress, many Kashmiris are despairing that their struggle is taking place in a vacuum, and they are taking matters into their own hands.
“What we are seeing today is the complete rebound effect of 20 years of oppression,” said Mirwaiz Umer Farooq, the chief cleric at Srinagar’s main mosque and a moderate separatist leader. Kashmiris, he said, are “angry, humiliated and willing to face death.”
This summer there have been nearly 900 clashes between protesters and security forces, which have left more than 50 civilians dead, most of them from gunshot wounds. While more than 1,200 soldiers have been wounded by rock-throwing crowds, not one has been killed in the unrest, leading to questions about why Indian security forces are using deadly force against unarmed civilians — and why there is so little international outcry.
“The world is silent when Kashmiris die in the streets,” said Altaf Ahmed, a 31-year-old schoolteacher.
On Tuesday, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh made an emotional appeal for peace.
“I can feel the pain and understand the frustration that is bringing young people out into the streets of Kashmir,” the Indian prime minister said in a televised speech. “Many of them have seen nothing but violence and conflict in their lives and have been scarred by suffering.”
Indeed, there is a palpable sense of opportunities squandered. Despite the protests of recent years, the Kashmir Valley had in the past few years been enjoying a season of peace.
The insurgency of the 1990s has mostly dried up, and elections in 2008 drew the highest percentage of voters in a generation. High expectations met the new chief minister, Omar Abdullah, a scion of Kashmir’s leading political family, whose fresh face seemed well suited to bringing better government and prosperity to Kashmir.
But election promises, like repealing laws that largely shield security forces from scrutiny and demilitarizing the state, went unfulfilled. After two summers of protests on specific grievances, this summer’s unrest has taken on a new character, one more difficult to define and mollify.
That anger has led to a cycle of violence that the Indian government seems powerless to stop. Events that unfolded last week in Pulwama, a small town 20 miles from Srinagar, illustrate how the violence feeds itself.
It began on Monday, Aug. 2, when a young man, Mohammad Yacoub Bhatt, from a village near Pulwama was shot dead during a march to protest the earlier killings of other young protesters.
Four days later, a procession set off to protest his death. Soon it swelled into the thousands. The police blocked the road and refused to let the marchers pass, worried that the crowd would burn down government buildings, as previous crowds had.
What happened next is disputed. Protesters claimed that when they tried to surge through a barricade, the police opened fire.
“We did not think they would open fire,” said Malik Shahid, 17, who had joined the march. “There was no violence. It was a peaceful protest.”
First the police fired in the air, witnesses said, then into the scattering crowd. A bullet felled Mr. Shahid’s uncle, Shabir Ahmed Malik, a 24-year-old driver, and killed him on the spot.
Mr. Shahid, a 12th grader who hopes to become an engineer, said the latest violence was evidence to him that remaining part of India was impossible.
“If India took steps against those who kill us, maybe the people of Kashmir would be willing,” he said. “But when there is no justice how can we remain with India? They are not doing anything but killing. So we will just go for freedom.”
Commandant Prabhakar Tripathy, spokesman for the Central Reserve Police Force, the main paramilitary force trying to keep order in Kashmir, declined to comment on the episode but said that the protests were not as spontaneous as they appeared.
“Militants are just mingling with the crowd, firing bullets from the crowd,” Mr. Tripathy said. “Now they are trying to raise this confrontation between the public and the security forces.”
“We are charging them with tear gas, rubber pellets, firing in the air, nothing works here,” he said. “When a crowd of thousands attacks the camp, what can you do?”
Indian officials have tried to portray Kashmir’s stone-throwing youths as illiterate pawns of jihadist forces across the Pakistan border and have suggested that economic development and jobs are the key to getting young people off the streets.
But many of the stone throwers are hardly illiterate. They organize on Facebook, creating groups with names like “Im a Kashmiri Stone Pelter.” One young man who regularly joins protests and goes by the nom de guerre Khalid Khan has an M.B.A. and a well-paying job.
“Stone pelting is a form of resistance to their acts of repression in the face of peaceful protest,” he said in an interview. “I would call it self-defense. Stones do not kill. Their bullets kill.”
Each death seems to feed the anger on the streets, creating new recruits for the revolt. Fida Nabi’s brother, Aabid, 21, watched over him as he drifted toward death this week, his head swathed in white bandages, his chest rising and falling to the ghostly rhythm of the ventilator.
Aabid thought he had his life all mapped out — making more than $200 a month as a news photographer. But since his brother was shot his priorities have changed. “I used to cover the protests,” he said. “But now I will join them.”
Hari Kumar contributed reporting.

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

The Telegraph(UK):The world wants to think best about India.So we turn our back on Kashmir



[As the story of India's occupation of Kashmir spreads, old myths are dispelled, and sentiment begins to turn. This article, from the UK, illustrates this well.-ed]
By Dean Nelson
Think of India and it’s all Gandhian saintliness, Ravi Shankar’s sitar, a whiff of incense and the feel-good beats of Bollywood Bhangra. These memories, sounds and smells conjure images of the world’s largest democracy, where tolerance and spirituality supposedly reign over realpolitik.
We don’t think of it as a country whose troops are jailing opposition leaders or placing them under house arrest, denying people the right to gather in prayer, beating children to death, or massacring stone-throwing protesters. The words “shoot to kill” are a grim relic from our own recent past, and certainly nothing we ever associate with India.
That’s why India is the world’s first “soft superpower”. It can barely do wrong for doing right, and if it does we don’t really want to know. As David Cameron made perfectly clear during his recent visit, we’re interested in India as the world’s second fastest-growing economy and by its contribution to the war on terrorism, but not how it treats its own people.
So despite the fact that 50 mainly young men and teenagers have either been shot or beaten to death in the last eight weeks in Kashmir; the two main separatist leaders have been jailed or placed under house arrest; that the Kashmir Valley has been locked down and the streets of Srinagar occupied by swaggering Indian troops who threaten housewives with big sticks, our leaders have remained completely silent.
Had these incidents been in Taliban-controlled parts of Afghanistan, or had the victims been Tibetans revolting against Chinese rule, we would have called it a massacre. But India’s great “soft power” is that the world wants to think the best of it.
To that end, our leaders overlooked the 53 young men and teenagers who were treated for bullet wounds in just one hospital in Kashmir’s state capital, Srinagar, last week. They had been shot either for throwing stones during protests against killings by Indian security forces in Kashmir – or for being in the wrong place at the wrong time in their own city.
This present wave of protests began after Indian soldiers shot dead three young Muslim men in the hope of passing them off as Pakistani terrorists and themselves as war heroes. They had lured them with the promise of jobs. A few weeks later a 17-year-old schoolboy was killed when Indian police fired a tear gas canister at his head.
Last week I interviewed Fayaz Ahmad Rah, a Srinagar fruit seller, as he mourned the death of his nine-year-old son, Sameer. Neighbours told me they had seen members of India’s paramilitary Central Reserve Police Force beat him to death with sticks and then dump his body in stinging nettles. The CRPF claims he was in fact a protester and that he had been trampled by other demonstrators as they fled a police advance.
Fayaz said his son had been walking through their usually safe tiny back lanes to his uncle’s house 100 metres away after stopping to buy sweets. When he washed his son’s body for burial, there was a half-chewed toffee still in his mouth, he said.
Over the last eight weeks a round of teenage civilian deaths, protests and more shootings followed by further protests has sucked Kashmir into a bleak vortex. But since it began, not a single member of India’s security forces has been shot or killed. It couldn’t be a more unequal contest.
Luckily for India, it happened in Kashmir where the words “Muslim”, “Pakistan” and “militants” shield what is either bad marksmanship or a shoot to kill policy from scrutiny and criticism.
This decision to look the other way only fuels the anger in Kashmir. From his home where he was being held under house arrest last week, separatist spiritual leader Mirwaiz Umar Farooq told me India had turned Kashmir into a “police state” and that British politicians and others were turning their back on it.
He had not been allowed to go to his mosque for more than six weeks, while other separatist Hurriyat leaders were also in jail or under house arrest. In many mosques throughout the state, only men over the age of 50 – regarded as beyond their stone-throwing years – have been allowed to meet to pray.
“It’s a direct interference in our religious affairs, a situation in which in a muslim state, if we’re not allowed to pray, the Muftis will say we have to call a war on the state,” he said.
Those demonstrating are part of a new generation born into violent protest which has seen leaders like Mirwaiz Umar Farooq sacrifice their credibility for talks with India, which came to nothing. “People now ask the question ‘you went for dialogue, what did you get? Did the killings or violence or disappearances stop?’ All it did was undermine the credibility of those who wanted, like me, to give dialogue a chance,” he said.
He believes India is not sincere about talks and is only interested in continual delay in the hope that protests and the desire for Kashmiri independence will peter out.
India has its own arguments, of course. It focuses on earlier killings and “ethnic cleansing” of Kashmiri pandits, and the reluctance of Buddhist Ladakh and Hindu and Sikh majority Jammu to follow the Muslim-dominated Kashmir Valley into Pakistan or independence. It criticises the refusal of separatist parties to take part in state assembly elections.
These are valid points, and I certainly don’t have the answers to a problem which has blighted India and Pakistan and provoked three wars between the nuclear enemies since their independence from Britain.
But I do think Britain might come to regret its silence and India its troops’ brutality. We risk alienating the remaining friends we have in the Muslim world and within our own substantial Kashmiri community in Britain. India risks losing the tremendous goodwill it had built up throughout the world over decades.
The Kashmiris, on the other hand, have little left to lose: the world has forgotten them.

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

Balochistan is an internal territory of Pakistan. It would be akin to me broaching the subject of the Naxalite-Maoist insurgency; this is India's internal affair and Pakistan has no locus standi in the matter. Kashmir, on the other hand, is an internationally recognised disputed territory; India's claim of Kashmir being an integral part of the Union is not recognised by the UN or an affirmed claim under international law. You can see the difference.

On a side note, Balochistan is not a homogenous province. I believe the province contains more Pushtoons (who have no seperatist agenda) than the Balochis. The common Balochi, as of yet, has not taken up active resistance against the Pakistani state (the day this happens, Pakistan has lost Balochistan); trust me, the internet tends to suggest an over-alarmist situation in Balochistan. Things are bad, but not that bad. So far, the insurgency has been lead mostly by the tribal sardaars. It has not filtered down to the common man. This has happen in Indian-Occupied Kashmir (see my comment above about what happens when the common man takes up resistance in an insurgency).

You are right to suggest that symbols commemorating Pakistani identity are actively discouraged in parts of the province. Just last night, Balochi insurgents stopped and searched a bus, and shot all Punjabi travellers on board. This is creating friction with the Pushtoon of Balochistan; their Pushtunwali code prevents them from mistreating visitors to their land (and Punjabi teachers, doctors and professors are seen as just that).

You see? I can have a frank discussion about the situation in Balochistan because academic discussion has no room for jingoism. You should set aside your Indian patriotism and look at the issue objectively.

Pakistan is under no obligation to unilaterally do anything. In this day and age, such feats are met with nothing but disdain and seen as nothing but weakness. Certainly, the country has made mistakes in its administration of Azad Kashmir, but ultimately, its track records with the Kashmiris is countless times better than India's excess in IOK. The proof is in the pudding; no large scale disturbances are seen on the Pakistani side of the LOC; no rioting, no protesting against the Pakistani state, and no stone throwing on the Pakistani army (in fact, the Azad Kashmir regiment is one of the largest in the Pakistani Army). The Pakistanis are not seen as occupiers.

Unfortunately, you have fallen into the same pitfall that so many Indians fall into. You have taken the current situation and effectively ignored it by compartmentalising the current unrest into an insignificant box. The labels you use it to identify the box are the same as all your politicians: 'only a misguided and emotional majority of Sunni Kashmiris', 'concentrated in Kashmir Valley' etc etc. You are wrong to suggest that the Kashmiris did not want independence 20 years ago. They did, but the armed uprising only began 20 years ago. Initially, Pakistan provided support for that uprising, but as I mentioned before, that support is now practically non-existent. The unrest is completely indigenous.

As for the Kashmiri pundits, any future plebiscite will have to take them into account. Controversy exists as to the real reasons behind the exodus of the pundits. The case isn't so clear cut as 'Muslims kicking Hindus out.' With regards to Jammu and Laddakh, they were part of the Princely State of J&K, and part of the current state of J&K in your Indian Union. Obviously, if a plebiscite is held, the majority vote will count. The Hindus and Buddhists in these provinces are not significant enough in number (and would not be signficant enough in number even with the Pundits) to prevent a majority vote for independence.

Omar Abdullah is not a representative of the voice of the Kashmiri people. Just yesterday, a shoe was thrown at him by a Kashmiri policeman.

Pakistani law does not permit a Pakistani resident to aquire land in AJK. The Trans-Karakoram Tract was only temporarily ceded to China. It's ultimate fate is to be decided with the final solution of the Kashmir dispute. The demographic balance in AJK has hardly changed; in fact, with the influx of refugees from IOK, the balance has shifted in favour of the Kashmiris and not the other way around as you would claim.

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

Tasveer

is there really any proof showing us that the demographics of AJK hasn't been tinkered with since 1940s. the J&K issue has become a very complicated issue and a major fight inducing topic and can't be talked about until we are j&K residents and go through what they go through everyday, until we do that we have no right to talk about it, it's about corrupt politicians that have taken advantage of this situation and so many different factors/events for example the rigging of election in the 90s just to name one of many situations that have made it into the complicated, majorly messed up situation it is now

both countries have messed up and contributed to the current situation.

J&K is made up paharis, dogras, jats, punjabis, gujjars, Rajputs and many many more different ethnic groups, kashmiris and specifically kashmiri muslims are only concentrated in the valley region and doda district and don't make up the whole population of all of j&k. every region in j&k has it's own views and varies from individual to individual. the Muslims, buddhists, hindus of Jammu region or ladakh region that might be of balti, dard, Dogra,pahari, tibetan or any of the other ethnic groups of those two regions might not vote on a religious basis and would be largely based on their experiences and viewpoints. Budhists and hindus are significant in number in both Jammu and ladakh.

please try not seeing everything from a religious point of view.

and try to tell all this and post all these articles on the various blogs of Indian politicians, Many of them are on Twitter.....I'm pretty sure. I or most all members on GS are not politicians so this would be a waste of time talking about such a complicated issue that's out of our control

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

*Tasavur..........sorry about misspelling your name :)

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

**This August 15, face the reality of Kashmir
Swapan Dasgupta, 15 August 2010, 04:10 AM IST **

This August 15, our world has been turned upside down. For two months, the Kashmir valley has been engulfed in an orgy of stone-throwing directed against the civil government and security forces. It has been widely described as the Kashmiri intifada, a tag calculated to generate oodles of romanticized angst. Nearly 45 people, many of them children, have died as harried security forces have attempted to restore order. Predictably, each death has bolstered a caricatured view of brave but desperate protesters being felled by the lathis and guns of an uncaring colonial power.

For the propagandists of the yet unspecified “azadi”, the upsurge has become the moment of liberation, a time to dispense with ambiguity. Behind the poetic justification of stoning, a romantic exile’s quiet but unmistakable endorsement of the fidayeen gunmen and the ridiculous recourse to pseud-speak (“life here is Orwellian, Kafkaesque and Catch-22 all rolled into one” ) is a more ominous development: the defiant proclamation that a ‘solution’ to the Kashmir problem isn’t possible within the Indian Union and the Indian Constitution.

A position that was once the prerogative of the likes of the fully veiled Asiya Andrabi of Dukhtaran-e-Milat notoriety—even the stalwarts of the All Party Hurriyat Conference used to camouflage their subliminal desires in the demand for a tripartite agreement—has entered mainstream discourse.

The Kashmir valley has always nurtured a core group of highly motivated activists who never reconciled themselves to the accession of 1948. That was always a fact of life, which provided succour to Pakistani adventurists determined to complete the “unfinished business of Partition”. Field Marshal Ayub Khan’s Operation Gibraltar in 1965 was prompted by the belief that his tiny spark would light the proverbial prairie fire in the Kashmir Valley. The ISI made the same calculation when it eyed the protests of 1989-90 as an opportunity for an armed insurrection. But somehow, secessionism never reached centre stage in the Kashmir valley. Azadi was a template slogan for all occasions, akin to the labour movement’s “Inquilab Zindabad”. It was poetic rather than literal.

The threat to the Indian Union posed by the recent ‘spontaneous’ outbursts that left even the Hurriyat leadership feeling unwanted, shouldn’t be minimized. The ferocity of feeling and the visible show of hatred against all symbols of authority, particularly the Abdullah family, suggest that the old political recipes to soothe ruffled feathers will carry diminishing returns. No doubt Prime Minister Manmohan Singh meant well when he addressed the all-party delegation from Jammu and Kashmir on Monday. But with the wealth of ground reports at his disposal, he should have known that neither autonomy nor a committee exploring a public sector-driven employment generation scheme would address the situation. The protesters screaming “azadi” now mean what they shout; their eyes are on what they imagine is a bigger prize.

This grim reality may be unpalatable to those convinced that Kashmiriyat is inherently at odds with the doctrinaire Islamism that will darken the Kashmir Valley if the India link is snapped. This inability to face an awkward truth may explain the appealing suggestion that the stone-chucking youth are actually crying out ‘to belong’ to an economically resurgent India and that New Delhi must respond with kindness, generosity and opportunity.

How the TV chatterati interpret events in Srinagar is of some importance in determining how Middle India sees the Kashmir problem. Since the last thing anyone wants is for youthful over-boisterousness to provoke an anti-Muslim backlash in the rest of India, there may be some merit in squeamishness and even wishful thinking. However, piousness on the airwaves won’t change the ground reality. For the impressionable agitators living in emotional ghettos, the PM’s elegy, last week’s solidarity dharnas in New Delhi and supportive noises by Indian intellectuals have prompted one inescapable conclusion: India’s resolve to keep Kashmir a part of the Union is fast waning.

The perception may be self-serving and a result of mistaking contrition for capitulation, but it nevertheless exists. On Independence Day, it may be time to introduce an alternative understanding of India, an India where indulgence also merges with unflinching resolve.

Re: Kashmir burns again as India responds to dissent with violenc

@Tasavur

Thank you for highlighting the fact that Baloch have been reduced to minority in Balochistan by using tactics like demographic invasion and military "operations" since the annexation of Kalat State under questionable circumstances.

Regarding J&K, considering its strategic importance, it is intellectually disingenuous to posit that Azadi is feasible . We can go on arguing ad nauseam over its de jure status, but the *de facto *status is that 40% of it is under "Indian control". Despite sentiments like the opinion piece posted by mo293, India will not allow the territory under its control to be "liberated" because of domestic compulsions( 150 million Muslims, 100 insurgencies) and its strategic importance ( Rivers, Geographical location). Under such circumstances, the deadlock can only be broken by various tactics:

  1. Invasion of Pakistan, and annexation of POK: Nobody but the looniest crazies support this in India. India has not once initiated a war over POK.

  2. Balkanization of India: Stated aims of worthies like Hamid Gul and Zaid Hamid. No further comments.

  3. Gaining control of Indian Kashmir by direct or indirect interventions: Pakistani Generals have tried to take back J&K from Indian clutches by military adventures like Operation Gibraltar and Kargil. Both of which failed in achieving their military objectives.
    Over the years Pakistan has also cultivated proxies and "non state actors" in order to achieve their objectives (emigration of Pundits, Mumbai were a direct results). Under the present circumstances, with the radicalization of Pakistan masses and the specter of rising Taliban and assorted extremists groups , I leave you to judge whom such myopic tactics have harmed more: India or Pakistan.

  4. International Pressure: Pakistan has repeatedly appealed to the international community to compel India to hold plebiscite. Indeed during the Cold War, it was an US wet dream to establish a Pakistan like client state in J&K because of its strategic location. In early 90s when Indian economy was in doldrums, an US diplomat Robin Raphael met various secessionists and assured them of US support. The rapid economic growth that India has undergone as well as tragedies like 911 and 7/7 London bombings have compelled the International community to realign its priorities. The recent statements of David Cameron and Hillary Clinton are evidence of this growing trend. Even Arab countries and Iran have no problem in doing business with India.

  5. LoC as border: There is growing consensus in India, that we can't forcibly take PoK from Pakistan. Whilst Kashmir insurgency has not impeded our economic growth, it is possible to grow even faster if we normalize relations with Pakistan. This is reflected by the initiatives taken by Mr. AB Vajpayee and now Mr. MM Singh. But they have also emphasized that J&K must be resolved within the framework of the Indian Constitution.I have also read some liberal Pakistani columnists who agree that the only feasible solution to this "core" issue is to accept LoC as border. However, the Military-Feudal Complex of Pakistan which holds the reigns of power will never allow its resolution. They often use this emotive issue as a red herring to deflect attention from their own shenanigans and to rally masses against India.

Regarding the current disturbance in Kashmir, unfortunately this is also a part of our culture. In the same period more people died in Karachi killings. Incidentally about 50 people died while more than 1200 police personnel were injured.After the shoe throwing incident, Mr. Abdullah said "Throw shoes, not stones"

A final point: even an idle observer of International Relations recognizes the unfortunate fact that realpolitic always trumps over morality. Often, hard headed realism is disguised as much prettier morality. US rhetoric about "Spreading democracy" is one example, Pakistanis writing so eloquently about Azadi is another.