India and its neighbors...

Are they our neighbors? NO

And none of them have honored our dead either, the way the Nepalese did. These things matter, would they have done the same for India, NO. There are even student exchange programs with the Nepali Govt too, at a school level. I'm just telling you, Napal enjoys better relations with Pakistan than it does with India, that is all.

[quote]

Its called diplomacy, some time stakes are high some time low. Welcome to matrix !
[/quote]

I would love to know where the Nepalese said or did anything negative about Pakistan.

Look in the context and see the definition !

Sorry florence pah, but I have to give this to Siyalkoti para.

I didnt even notice…

Mania would have been the correct word in that context. :chai:

unrealistic intense fear of an object or situation.
www.med.umich.edu/nursing/psych/sta

Extremists have the same thinking, they talk about stuff which didn’t happened but can be happen. Are we having a english class here ? ..

Re: India and its neighbors…

No idea why its true that India has no real friends in its neighbors. Perhaps its very opportunistic policies and bullying attitude towards smaller countries.

**India takes reaction from of its neighbors as “jealosy”. **

It has a sense of supiriority complex despite so many flaws how the country is being run and public is encouraged to fight among themselves. A tiny country as Srilanka and a huge country like India. Just does not look right when India bullys Sri Lanka. Perhaps it enhances its ego.

One may refer to this

How R.A.W. (Intelligence Services in India) Preys on its neighbors (internal and external) using terror as an instrument/tool of Imperialism - total_truth_sciences | Google Groups

R.A.W.: An Instrument of Indian Imperialism

Isha Khan
Dhaka, Bangladesh
September 12, 2007

India’s intelligence agency Research and Analysis Wing (R.A.W.), created in 1968, has
assumed a significant status in the formulation of the country’s domestic and foreign
policies, particularly the latter. Working directly under the prime minister, it has
over the years become an effective instrument of India’s national power. In consonance
with Kautilya’s precepts, R.A.W.'s espionage doctrine is based on the principle of
waging a continuous series of battles of intrigues and secret wars. (Kautilya, or more
popularly, Chânakya, was an ancient Indian political theorist.)

Since its creation, R.A.W. has been a vital, though unobtrusive, actor in the Indian
policy-making apparatus. But it is the massive international dimensions of R.A.W.
operations that merit a closer examination. To the credit of this organization, it has
in a very short span of time mastered the art of spy warfare. Credit must go to Indira
Gandhi who in the late 1970’s gave it a changed and much more dynamic role. To suit her
much publicized Indira Doctrine (India Doctrine), Gandhi specifically asked R.A.W. to
create a powerful organ within the organization that could undertake covert operations
in neighboring countries. It is this capability that makes R.A.W. a more fearsome agency
than the superior K.G.B., C.I.A., M.I.6, B.N.D., or Mossad.

Its internal role is confined only to monitoring events that have a bearing on the
external threat. R.A.W.'s boss works directly under the prime minister. An Additional
secretary to the government of India, under the director of R.A.W., is responsible for
the Office of Special Operations, intelligence collected from different countries,
internal security (under the director general of security), the electronic/technical
section, and general administration. The additional secretary as well as the director
general of security is also under the director of R.A.W. The director of security has
two important sections: the Aviation Research Center and the Special Services Bureau.
The joint director has specified desks with different regional divisions/areas
(countries): area one, Pakistan; area two, China and Southeast Asia; area three, the
Middle East and Africa; and area four, other countries.

The Aviation Research Center (A.R.C.) is responsible for interception, monitoring and
jamming of a target country’s communication systems. It has the most sophisticated
electronic equipment and also a substantial number of aircraft equipped with
state-of-the-art eavesdropping devices. A.R.C. was strengthened in mid-1987 by the
addition of three new aircraft, all Gulf Stream-3s. These aircraft can reportedly fly at
an altitude of 52,000 feet and have an operating range of 5,000 kilometers. A.R.C. also
controls a number of radar stations located close to India’s borders. Its aircraft also
carry out oblique reconnaissance, along the border with Bangladesh, China, Nepal, and
Pakistan.

Having been given virtual carte blanche to conduct destabilization operations in
neighboring countries inimical to India, R.A.W. seriously undertook restructuring of its
organization accordingly. R.A.W. was given a list of seven countries—Bangladesh, Sri
Lanka, Nepal, Sikkim, Bhutan, Pakistan, and Maldives—that India considered its principal
regional protagonists. It very soon systematically and brilliantly crafted covert
operations in all these countries to coerce, destabilize, and subvert them in consonance
with the foreign policy objectives of the Indian government.

R.A.W.'s operations against the regional countries were conducted with great
professional skill and expertise. Central to the operations was the establishment of a
huge network inside the target countries. It used and targeted political dissent, ethnic
divisions, economic backwardness, and criminal elements within these states to foment
subversion, terrorism, and sabotage. Having thus created conducive environments, R.A.W.
stage-managed future events in these countries in such a way that military intervention
appears a natural concomitant of the events. In most cases, R.A.W.'s hand remained
hidden, but more often than not target countries soon began unearthing this “hidden
hand.” A brief expose of R.A.W.'s operations in neighboring countries, "Open Secrets:
India’s Intelligence Unveiled " by M. K. Dhar (Manas Publications, New Delhi, 2005),
revealed the full expanse of its regional ambitions to suit the India Doctrine.

Bangladesh

Indian intelligence agencies were involved in erstwhile East Pakistan, now Bangladesh,
beginning in the early 1960’s. Its operatives were in touch with Sheikh Mujib for quite
some time. Sheikh Mujib went to Agartala in 1965. The famous Agartala case was unearthed
in 1967. In fact, the main purpose of raising R.A.W. in 1968 was to organize covert
operations in Bangladesh. As early as 1968, R.A.W. was given a green light to begin
mobilizing all its resources for the impending surgical intervention in erstwhile East
Pakistan. When in July 1971 General Manekshaw told Prime Minister Indira Gandhi that the
army would not be ready until December to intervene in Bangladesh, she quickly turned to
R.A.W. for help. R.A.W. was ready. Its officers used Bengali refugees to set up the
guerilla force Mukti Bahini. Using this outfit as a cover, the Indian military sneaked
deep into Bangladesh. The story of Mukti Bahini and R.A.W.'s role in its creation and
training is now well known. R.A.W. never concealed its Bangladesh operations. (See Asoka
Raina’s "Inside R.A.W.: the story of India’s Secret Service, Vikas Publishing House of
New Delhi.)

The creation of Bangladesh was masterminded by R.A.W. in complicity with the K.G.B.
under the covert clauses of the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation
(adopted as the 25-Year Indo-Bangladesh Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation in 1972).

R.A.W. retained a keen interest in Bangladesh even after its independence. Subramaniam
Swamy, Janata Dal member of Parliament, a close associate of Morarji Desai, said that
Rameswar Nath Kao, former chief of R.A.W., and Shankaran Nair were upset about Sheikh
Mujib’s assassination and chalked a plot to kill Gen. Ziaur Rahman. However, when Desai
came to power in 1977 he was indignant at R.A.W.'s role in Bangladesh and ordered
operations in Bangladesh to be called off; but by then R.A.W. had already gone too far.
General Zia continued in power for quite some time but was assassinated after Indira
Gandhi returned to power, though she denied involvement in his assassination (Weekly
Sunday, Calcutta, Sept. 18, 1988).

R.A.W. was involved in training of Chakma tribes and Shanti Bahini, who carried out
subversive activities in Bangladesh. It also unleashed a well-organized plan of
psychological warfare, created polarization among the armed forces, propagated false
allegations of the use of Bangladesh territory by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence
agency, created dissension among the political parties and religious sects, controlled
the media, denied the use of river waters, and propped up a host of disputes in order to
keep Bangladesh under constant political and socio-economic pressure (See “R.A.W. and
Bangladesh” by Mohammad Zainal Abedin, November 1995, and “R.A.W. in Bangladesh:
Portrait of an Aggressive Intelligence,” written and published by Abu Rushd, Dhaka).

Sikkim and Bhutan

Sikkim was the easiest and most docile prey for R.A.W. Indira Gandhi annexed the Kingdom
of Sikkim in the mid-1970’s. The deposed King Chogyal Tenzig Wangehuck was closely
followed by R.A.W.'s agents until his death in 1992.

Bhutan, like Nepal and Sikkim, is a land-locked country totally dependent on India.
R.A.W. developed links with members of the royal family as well as top bureaucrats to
implements its policies. It cultivated agents from among Nepalese settlers and put
itself in a position to create difficulties for the government of Bhutan. In fact, the
king of Bhutan has been reduced to the position of merely acquiescing to New Delhi’s
decisions and goes by its dictates in the international arena.

Sri Lanka

Post-independence Sri Lanka, despite having a multi-sectoral population, was a peaceful
country until 1971 and was following an independent foreign policy. During the 1971
Indo-Pakistan war, despite heavy pressure from India, Sri Lanka allowed Pakistan’s civil
and military aircraft and ships to stage through its air and seaports with unhindered
refueling facilities. It had also permitted Israel to establish a nominal intelligence
presence and permitted the installation of a high-powered transmitter by Voice of
America, which was resented by India.

It was because of these “irritants” that Indira Gandhi planned to bring Sri Lanka into
the fold of the so-called Indira Doctrine (India Doctrine). Kao was told by Gandhi to
repeat their Bangladesh success. R.A.W. went looking for militants it could train to
destabilize the regime. Camps were set up in Tamil Nadu and old R.A.W. guerrilla
trainers were dug out of retirement. R.A.W. began arming the Tamil Tigers and training
them at centers such as Gunda and Gorakhpur. As a sequel to this ploy, Sri Lanka was
forced into the Indian power web when the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987 was singed and
the Indian Peacekeeping Force landed in Sri Lanka.

The Ministry of External Affairs was upset at R.A.W.'s role in Sri Lanka as they felt
that R.A.W. was continuing negotiations with Tamil Tiger leader Parabhakaran in
contravention to the Indian government’s foreign policy. According to R. Swaminathan,
(former special secretary of R.A.W.) it was this outfit that was used as the
intermediary between Rajib Gandhi and Tamil leader Parabhakaran. Former Indian high
commissioner in Sri Lanka J. N. Dixit even accused R.A.W. of having given 10 million
rupees to the L.T.T.E. (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam). At a later stage, R.A.W.
built up the E.P.R.L.F. (Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front) and E.N.D.L.F.
(Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front) to fight against the L.T.T.E., which made
the situation in Sri Lanka highly volatile and uncertain later on.

Maldives

Under a well-orchestrated R.A.W. plan, on Nov. 30, 1988, a 300- to 400-strong
well-trained force of mercenaries armed with automatic weapons, initially said to be of
unknown origin, infiltrated in boats and stormed the capital of Maldives. They resorted
to indiscriminate shooting and took high-level government officials hostage. At the
Presidential Palace, the small contingent of loyal national guards offered stiff
resistance, which enabled President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom to move to a safe place where
he issued urgent appeals for help from India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Britain, and the
United States.

Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi reacted promptly and about 1,600 combat troops
belonging to the 50th Independent Para-Brigade in conjunction with Indian naval units
landed at Male, the capital of Maldives, under the code name Operation Cactus. A number
of Indian air force transport aircraft, escorted by fighters, were used for landing
personnel, heavy equipment, and supplies. Within hours of landing, Indian troops flushed
out the attackers from the streets and hideouts. Some of them surrendered to Indian
troops, and many were captured by Indian naval units while trying to escape with their
hostages in a Maldivian ship, Progress Light. Most of the 30 hostages, including Ahmed
Majtaba, Maldives’ minister of transport, were released. The Indian government announced
the success of Operation Cactus and complimented the armed forces for a good job done.

The Indian defense minister, while addressing air force personnel at Bangalore, claimed
that the country’s prestige had been raised because of the peace-keeping role played by
Indian forces in Maldives. The international community in general and South Asian states
in particular, however, viewed with suspicion the over-all concept and motives of the
operation. The Western media described it as a display by India of its newly acquired
military muscle and its growing role as a regional police force. Although the apparent
identification of two Maldivian nationals among the mercenaries, at face value, link it
with previous such attempts, other converging factors indicative of external involvement
could hardly be ignored. That the mercenaries sailed from Manar and Kankasanturai in Sri
Lanka, which were in complete control of the Indian Peacekeeping Force, and the timing
and speed of India’s intervention proved its involvement beyond any doubt.

Nepal

Since the partition of the subcontinent, India has openly meddled in Nepal’s internal
affairs by contriving internal strife and conflicts through R.A.W. to destabilize the
successive legitimate governments and prop up puppet regimes that would be more amenable
to Indian machinations. Armed insurrections were sponsored and abetted by R.A.W. and
later requests for military assistance to control these conflicts were managed through
pro-India leaders. India has been aiding and inciting the Nepalese dissidents to
collaborate with the Nepali Congress. For this they were supplied arms whenever the king
or the Nepalese government appeared to be drifting away from India’s dictates and
impinging on India’s hegemonic designs in the region. In fact, under the garb of the
so-called democratization measures, the Maoists were actively encouraged to collect arms
and resort to open rebellion against the legitimate Nepalese governments. The contrived
rebellions provided India an opportunity to intervene militarily in Nepal, ostensibly to
control the insurrections, which were masterminded by R.A.W. itself. It was an active
replay of the Indian performance in Sri Lanka and Maldives a few years earlier. R.A.W.
is particularly aiding the people of Indian origin and has been providing them with arms
and ammunition. R.A.W. has also infiltrated the ethnic Nepali refugees who have been
extradited by Bhutan and taken refuge in eastern Nepal. R.A.W. can exploit its links
with these refugees whenever either country goes against Indian interests. Besides, the
Nepalese economy is totally controlled by Indian moneylenders, financiers, and business
mafia. (See “R.A.W.'s Machinations in South Asia” by Shastra Dutta Pant, Kathmandu,
2003.)

Afghanistan

Since December 1979, throughout the Afghan War, the K.G.B., K.H.A.D. (W.A.D.) (a former
Afghan intelligence outfit), and R.A.W. stepped up their efforts to concentrate on
influencing and covertly exploiting the tribes on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan
border. There was intimate coordination between the three intelligence agencies not only
in Afghanistan but also in Pakistan, where destabilization was sought through a
subversion and sabotage plan related to Afghan refugees and mujahideen in the tribal
belt and inside Pakistan. They jointly organized spotting and recruitment of hostile
tribesmen and trained them in guerrilla warfare, infiltration, subversion, sabotage, and
the establishment of saboteur forces/terrorist organizations in the pro-Afghan tribes of
Pakistan in order to carry out bombings in Afghan refugee camps in the Northwest
Frontier province (NWFP) and Baluchistan to threaten and pressure them to return to
Afghanistan. They also carried out bomb blasts in populated areas deep inside Pakistan
to create panic and hatred in the minds of locals against Afghan refugee mujahideen to
pressure Pakistan to change its policies on Afghanistan.

Pakistan

Pakistan’s size, strength, and potential have always overawed India. It has always
considered Pakistan to be the main opponent to its expansionist doctrine. India’s
animosity toward Pakistan is psychologically and ideologically deep-rooted and
unassailable. India’s 1965 and 1971 wars with Pakistan over Kashmir, which resulted in
the dismemberment of Pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh, are just two examples.

R.A.W. considers Sindh province to be Pakistan’s soft underbelly. It has made it the
prime target for sabotage and subversion. R.A.W. has enrolled an extensive network of
agents and antigovernment elements and is convinced that with a little push restless
Sindh will revolt. Taking full advantage of the agitation in Sindh in 1983, and the
periodic ethnic riots, which have continued to today, R.A.W. has deeply penetrated Sindh
and cultivated dissidents and secessionists, thereby creating hard-liners unlikely to
allow peace to return to Sindh. R.A.W. is also similarly involved in Baluchistan.

R.A.W. is also being blamed for confusing the ground situation is Kashmir so as to keep
the world’s attention away from the gross human rights violations in Indian-occupied
Kashmir. Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence agency (I.S.I.), being almost 20 years
older than R.A.W. and having acquired a much higher standard of efficiency in its
functioning, has become the prime target of R.A.W.'s designs. The I.S.I. is considered
to be a stumbling block in R.A.W.'s operations and has been made a target of massive
misinformation and propaganda campaigns. The tirade against I.S.I. continues unabated.
The idea is to keep I.S.I. on the defensive by alleging that it has had a hand in
supporting the Kashmiri mujahideen and the Sikhs in Punjab. R.A.W.'s fixation on I.S.I.
has taken the shape of I.S.I.-phobia, as in India everyone traces the origin of all
happenings and shortcomings to the I.S.I. Whenever and wherever there is a kidnapping, a
bank robbery, a financial scandal, a bomb blast, or what have you, the I.S.I. is deemed
to have had a hand in it. (See “R.A.W.: Global and Regional Ambitions” edited by Rashid
Ahmad Khan and Muhammad Saleem, Islamabad Policy Research Institute, Asia Printers,
Islamabad, 2005).
In summary, R.A.W. over the years has admirably fulfilled its tasks of destabilizing
target states through the unbridled export of terrorism. The Indira Doctrine spelt out a
difficult and onerous role for R.A.W. It goes to its credit that it has accomplished its
assigned objectives due to the endemic weakness in the state apparatus of these nations
and the failures of their leaders.

Re: India and its neighbors...

India is active in Pakistan and many riots and sad events can be traced to India. Does not help the situation in its neighborhood.

Re: India and its neighbors...

^^ Interesting read.

Let me read it one more time ...

Same story from their side, so whats the solution ? Kill the RAW & ISI, what you say?

Re: India and its neighbors...

^^ Or perhaps change her behavior and stop bullying neighbors?

Then an agreement of non-interference can be reached.

Re: India and its neighbors...

We are discussing Indian's neighbor policies and why they have no friends.

India cannot expect flowerbeds to sleep on when it throws cactuses all over .

Pakistan cannot expect flowerbeds to sleep on when it throws cactuses all over the ground (world).

Hint: Jihadi's !

Atleast you are accepting their is a problem from our side too.

Not everything is lost yet :aliyish1:

Re: India and its neighbors...

They are as much our enemies as they are of the western world.

As said before, india needs to come back to earth first, mutual agreements can be reached then.

Given indian supermist hinduist brahamin mentality I don't see that happening in the next 100 years though.

Are we on the earth?

Given our supermist jihadi/islamic/special mentality i don't see that happening in the next 200 years though...

Re: India and its neighbors...

^^ We are mostly reactionary.

you two definitely are, ab jan chor do bhai log

I am sorry I was mistaken that you could. You may not be able to read the title of thread or my last post addressed to you. Its OK though. Its in English.

^^ Do you want me to change “Mania” back to “Phobia”? :aq:

EDIT: After reading the last post, I keep the things as they are, :hehe:

What Pakistanis thinks about India …

What our neighbour thinks- Hindustan Times

Arshad Bhatti has been a rebel since the time I have known him as my student at the International Relations Department in the Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad. He left a lucrative job to start a restaurant with a difference. It is called ‘Civil Junction’ where the youth and civil society are encouraged to meet and organise functions. Thus, I was not surprised when I heard that Bhatti was organising a vigil in remembrance of the victims of the Mumbai attack. I received SMSes and emails, urging me to join but I could not go. I am glad I did not: less than 15 people in a city of more than 1.5 million turned up. The fate of another function organised for the same purpose by another peace activist, Liaqat Ali, in Lahore, was no different.

One can partly attribute this lukewarm response to the apathetic attitude prevalent today in Pakistani society about any issue. The media makes fun of civil society demonstrations stating that there were more fancy cars parked at demonstration venues than protesters. Even then, the turn-out at Bhatti’s vigil can be called pathetic.

The few who participated were probably frequent visitors to the Oberoi and the Taj. Many also associated the attack with the September blast at the Marriott Hotel. It is also possible that more people would have joined these vigils had New Delhi not outrightly blamed Pakistan and the Inter-services Intelligence (ISI) for the attacks.

Many would find it hard to believe but there is a sizeable section of the educated people in Pakistan who feel that the September 11 attacks were the product of a Zionist-cum-CIA conspiracy to malign the Muslims and topple the Taliban and Iraqi regimes. Thus, I found it hard to convince a friend that the Mumbai attacks were unlikely to be the handiwork of the RSS, the VHP or the BJP. Since the attacks, this line of reasoning has become stronger, with the Pakistani electronic media taking the lead in forming such an opinion. However, this attitude of the Pakistani media is new and probably is a reaction to the perceived Indian media hype against Pakistan.

There is a growing public opinion in Pakistan that the Indians should also be asked to hand over Lieutenant Colonel Shrikant Purohit and Pragya Singh Thakur for planning the Samjhauta Express blast and killing Muslims elsewhere in India. Obviously, this is a reaction to the old Indian demand to handing over 20 terrorists who are said to be living in Pakistan.
Indian news channels are not shown on cable TV in Pakistan, although the entertainment channels and Hindi movies are widely popular. However, the Pakistan TV channels have been reporting that the Indian media had started to blame Pakistan within minutes of the first attack in Mumbai. One small TV channel even went to the extent of playing national and martial songs that were played during the 1965 war. In fact, the majority of Pakistanis feel that they had won the 1965 war.

The most popular TV channel, other than the government-run PTV, is Geo. Geo News covered the attacks round-the-clock and blamed the Indian Government for failing to anticipate the attack and mishandling the rescue operation. News clips repeatedly showed the Mumbai police officers running from the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminal and people like Hameed Gul, former Director General of the ISI, and Shirin Mazari, former Director General of Institute of Strategic Studies, were interviewed by all channels.

These hawks classified the Mumbai attackers as either Indian Hindu militants or Indian Muslims, but definitely not Pakistanis. A lot was made of the photographs of one of the militants in which he was seen wearing an orange thread on his wrist. It is true that Pakistanis don’t tie such threads and this was seen as clear evidence that the attack was by a non-Muslim group. They found it hypocritical that the Indian media has not picked this up at all.
Though Pakistan has not yet started to rehearse what these hardliners said, the country is in sort of a martial mood. However, almost everybody believes that there would be no war, thanks to American intervention. This is a sad reflection on the state of Indo-Pak relations. We are proud of our status as nuclear powers but are unable to sort out our differences bilaterally and have to depend on other countries to broker peace. Our political leaders hug and indulge in double-hand shakes in front of cameras but react emotionally at the first tense moment.

However, Mubeshir Hasan, a well-known peace activist, says, “The people and the governments of India and Pakistan are well on their way to improve relations between the two countries. There are hiccups now and then but they will be overcome. The two governments face insurgency situations in their countries, and as such, are not in full control of the elements who take up arms against their own State or other States.” An optimist, no doubt.
Anees Jillani is a lawyer based in Islamabad

Waise to I don't think even Indians think too highly of the Pakistanis. The feeling (whatever) is mutual!