Surprisingly pro Province article bY Ayaz Amir.
Having solved everything else, now water
http://www.dawn.com/weekly/ayaz/ayaz.htm
By Ayaz Amir
First the question of recognizing Israel and now the balloon of the Kalabagh Dam. Whatever else you might say of Pakistan’s man of destiny, it’s hard to deny the talent on display for raising distracting issues.
President Musharraf says that unless so many dams are built and so many canals taken out we’ll have a huge water problem by year 2050. Perhaps he’s right. Maybe we need the Kalabagh Dam, but then maybe we don’t. There’s no consensus on the issue, at least none discernible to mortal eye.
Who’s to decide? One man in his wisdom or the nation as a whole speaking through a freely-elected national assembly?
There’s nothing wrong with Musharraf personally but everything wrong with one-man wisdom. As fathers of contrived democracy go, Musharraf’s a nice person, in many respects much nicer than his three military predecessors who like him went about saving the nation. But that’s hardly the point. Being nice or personable is not qualification enough for taking decisions affecting the country’s future.
Military men have solved none of Pakistan’s problems. Indeed, any honest history will tell you, they’ve made them worse. But we’ve had a problem these past fifty years: military men not sticking to the job they were paid for. Military men itching to move outside the narrow circle of their competence and more often than not succeeding.
Now, as if other problems have been solved, we have a military-initiated debate into the pros and cons of big dams on the Indus. A fascinating subject but perhaps best discussed when the curtains fall on one-man rule and we have something closer to a democratic dispensation.
General Musharraf has enough on his plate already. He’s helping the Americans in Afghanistan, inventing ‘real’ democracy at home, nominating a prime minister and yet ensuring he remains a cipher. His own constitutional expert, he has helped re-write that much-revised document, the '73 constitution. He’s also full-time army chief, a position he seems in no hurry to relinquish.
He shouldn’t be adding water and dam-building to this heavy workload. Or doesn’t he want to leave anything to his successors?
There’s no one opinion about water in Pakistan. Punjab is in favour of the Kalabagh Dam and indeed to listen to Punjab babus you’d think the country’s future depended on it. Sindh and the Frontier think otherwise.Sindh’s case is simple. A huge dam at Kalabagh, it says, will reduce the flow of water down the Indus.
Less water flowing into the sea will starve the complex ecosystem of the Indus delta and allow the sea to come further inland thereby turning more of Sindh’s coastline into a saline desert. In other words, less water down the Indus would mean irreparable harm to a way of life and a system of agriculture in place for the last five thousand years.
Apart from angry sputtering and vague invocations to the larger national interest (the last refuge of the intellectually-beleaguered), from the babus and other enthusiasts of the Kalabagh Dam there is no cogent or convincing answer to these objections.
The Frontier’s case is different: that a dam at Kalabagh would raise the water level in the fertile, central districts of the province, thereby ruining their fertility.
And why is Punjab such a strong proponent of the dam? Because it will help irrigate the last frontier: the unwatered western districts (Bhakkar, Leiah) and the lands yet to be brought under the plough down south in Bahawalpur and Rahim Yar Khan. Who stands to gain the most when this last frontier is crossed? The Punjab oligarchy, civil and military, which from long practice has honed the art of getting the best when new farmland and new housing estates become available.
Of course, the country will benefit too. More land under the plough - regardless of who owns it, retired general or retired babu - means more grain and more wealth. But at whose cost? Sindh and the Frontier’s.
Punjab’s gain will thus be these two provinces’ loss. Which explains their virulent opposition to the project. Not because they’re less Pakistani than the Punjabis - much the same argument deployed when East Pakistan was being exploited and driven to the wall - but because in a mega-dam at Kalabagh they see ruin for the lands they have tilled since the dawn of history.
Chakwal, incidentally, stands to gain a lot from a dam at Kalabagh because the water table in all the rain-fed areas of northern Punjab - a region of which Chakwal is a part - will rise. With more water available for agriculture it’s not hard to picture this area becoming as green and productive as the irrigated lands of central and southern Punjab. But again, at whose cost?
Right from 1947, the Punjab oligarchy, with no little help from the upper-class diaspora from India, has had a great facility to put national questions in a patriotic frame. Urdu had to be the national language and not Bengali because that is what patriotism demanded. One Unit, suppressing Bengali aspirations, entering into western defence pacts and suppressing democracy itself were all justified at the bar of a higher and often mysterious patriotism.
The remnants of the old patriotism still survive in pockets of Punjab (read some of the Urdu papers to get a taste of the doctrine). Scratch any Punjab babu of a certain age and the old patriotism with all its shibboleths will quickly rise to the surface.
But the people of Pakistan as a whole, lied to so often, and by now heavily schooled in cynicism, have moved on. (Or at least one hopes they have moved on.) The old theology - responsible for the rise of militarism in the body-politic and the dismemberment of Jinnah’s Pakistan - no longer exercises the same hold.
Putting the Kalabagh Dam in a patriotic frame and indeed making its construction a touchstone of Pakistanism will no longer do. Far from doing anything good it will further embitter feelings in the smaller provinces where the word Kalabagh has become synonymous with Punjabi chauvinism.
If there is a case for Kalabagh it should be made. But by someone legitimately entitled to present the case. People should be persuaded. But again by someone entitled to do the persuading. But time is running out, says Pakistan’s soldier-president. If we don’t act now there’ll be an acute crisis of water a few years hence. All the more reason then for the soldier-president to step back a few paces and allow the Kalabagh Dam and related issues to be debated by a people’s assembly.