Bomb before you buy…
The US’s true plan, exploitation not reconstruction…
Bomb before you buy
What is being planned in Iraq is not reconstruction
but robbery
Naomi Klein
Monday April 14, 2003
The Guardian
On April 6, deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz
spelled it out: there will be no role for the UN in
setting up an interim government in Iraq. The US-run
regime will last at least six months, “probably longer
than that”. And by the time the Iraqi people have a
say in choosing a government, the key economic
decisions about their country’s future will have been
made by their occupiers. “There has to be an effective
administration from day one,” Wolfowitz said. “People
need water and food and medicine, and the sewers have
to work, the electricity has to work. And that’s
coalition responsibility.”
The process of how they will get all this
infrastructure to work is usually called
“reconstruction”. But American plans for Iraq’s future
economy go well beyond that. Rather than rebuilding,
the country is being treated as a blank slate on which
the most ideological Washington neo-liberals can
design their dream economy: fully privatised,
foreign-owned and open for business.
The $4.8m management contract for the port in Umm Qasr
has already gone to a US company, Stevedoring
Services, and there are similar deals for airport
administration on the auction block. The United States
Agency for International Development has invited US
multinationals to bid on everything from rebuilding
roads and bridges to distributing textbooks. The
length of time these contracts will last is left
unspecified. How long before they meld into long-term
contracts for water services, transit systems, roads,
schools and phones? When does reconstruction turn into
privatisation in disguise?
Republican congressman Darrel Issa has introduced a
bill that would require the defence department to
build a CDMA cellphone system in postwar Iraq in order
to benefit “US patent holders”. As Farhad Manjoo noted
in the internet magazine Salon, CDMA is the system
used in the US, not in Europe, and was developed by
Qualcomm, one of Issa’s most generous donors.
Then there’s oil. The Bush administration knows it
can’t talk openly about selling Iraq’s oil resources
to ExxonMobil and Shell. It leaves that to people like
Fadhil Chalabi, a former Iraqi petroleum minister and
executive director of the Center for Global Energy
Studies. “We need to have a huge amount of money
coming into the country. The only way is to partially
privatise the industry,” Chalabi says.
He is part of a group of Iraqi exiles that has been
advising the state department on how to implement
privatisation in such a way that it isn’t seen to be
coming from the US. Helpfully, the group held a
conference in London on April 6 and called on Iraq to
open itself up to oil multinationals shortly after the
war. The Bush administration has shown its gratitude
by promising that there will plenty of posts for Iraqi
exiles in the interim government.
Some argue that it’s too simplistic to say this war is
about oil. They’re right. It’s about oil, water,
roads, trains, phones, ports and drugs. And if this
process isn’t halted, “free Iraq” will be the most
sold country on earth.
It’s no surprise that so many multinationals are
lunging for Iraq’s untapped market. It’s not just that
the reconstruction will be worth as much as $100bn;
it’s also that “free trade” by less violent means
hasn’t been going that well lately. More and more
developing countries are rejecting privatisation,
while the Free Trade Area of the Americas, Bush’s top
trade priority, is wildly unpopular across Latin
America. World Trade Organisation talks on
intellectual property, agriculture and services have
all got bogged down amid accusations that the US and
Europe have yet to make good on past promises.
So what is a recessionary, growth-addicted superpower
to do? How about upgrading from Free Trade Lite, which
wrestles market access through backroom bullying at
the WTO, to Free Trade Supercharged, which seizes new
markets on the battlefields of pre-emptive wars? After
all, negotiations with sovereign countries can be
hard. Far easier to just tear up the country, occupy
it, then rebuild it the way you want. Bush hasn’t
abandoned free trade, as some have claimed, he just
has a new doctrine: “Bomb before you buy”.
It goes much further than one unlucky country.
Investors are openly predicting that once
privatisation takes root in Iraq, Iran, Saudi Arabia
and Kuwait will all be forced to compete by
privatising their oil. “In Iran, it would just catch
like wildfire,” S Rob Sobhani, an energy consultant,
told the Wall Street Journal. Pretty soon, the US may
have bombed its way into a whole new free trade zone.
So far, the press debate over the reconstruction of
Iraq has focused on fair play: it is “exceptionally
maladroit”, in the words of the European Union’s
commissioner for external relations, Chris Patten, for
the US to keep all the juicy contracts for itself. It
has to learn to share: Exxon should invite France’s
TotalFinaElf to the most lucrative oil fields; Bechtel
should give Britain’s Thames Water a shot at the sewer
contracts.
But while Patten may find US unilateralism galling,
and Tony Blair may be calling for UN oversight, on
this matter it’s beside the point. Who cares which
multinationals get the best deals in Iraq’s
pre-democracy, post-Saddam liquidation sale? What does
it matter if the privatising is done unilaterally by
the US, or multilaterally by the US, Europe, Russia
and China?
Entirely absent from this debate are the Iraqi people,
who might - who knows? - want to hold on to a few of
their assets. Iraq will be owed massive reparations
after the bombing stops, but in the absence of any
kind of democratic process, what is being planned is
not reparations, reconstruction or rehabilitation. It
is robbery: mass theft disguised as charity;
privatisation without representation.
A people, starved and sickened by sanctions, then
pulverised by war, is going to emerge from this trauma
to find that their country had been sold out from
under them. They will also discover that their
new-found “freedom” - for which so many of their loved
ones perished - comes pre-shackled by irreversible
economic decisions that were made in boardrooms while
the bombs were still falling. They will then be told
to vote for their new leaders, and welcomed to the
wonderful world of democracy.
· Naomi Klein’s latest book is Fences and Windows
(Flamingo). A version of this article first appeared
in the Nation