Re: The rise of Recep Erdogan, from street snack seller to Middle East Muslim champio
Right & this is the diff between Islamist and him.
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424053111904491704576570670264116178.html
By MARC CHAMPION And MATT BRADLEY
CAIRO—The Muslim Brotherhood objected to statements by Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan telling Egyptians not to fear building a secular state, in a rare clash that exposes the gap between the so-called Turkish model for building a Muslim democracy and what Islamists in the region believe when they invoke it.
For much of Mr. Erdogan’s two-day visit to Egypt this week, members of the Muslim Brotherhood made up much of the fan club that followed Mr. Erdogan around Cairo. They championed his tough stance toward Israel and his promotion of Muslim solidarity.
But the Brotherhood took exception to Mr. Erdogan’s comments on Egyptian television late Monday urging Egyptians not to fear a secular state.
Speaking on a popular Oprah-style talk show on Egypt’s Dream TV, Mr. Erdogan had said: “Do not be wary of secularism. I hope there will be a secular state in Egypt.”
The Turkish leader said secularism doesn’t mean a lack of religion, but creating respect for all religions and religious freedoms for individuals.
“Secularism does not mean that people are secular. For example, I am not secular, but I am the prime minister of a secular state,” said Mr. Erdogan, himself a former Islamist.
A founding principle of the formation of Mr. Erdogan’s AKP in 2001 was its acceptance of the secular nature of the Turkish state, and renunciation of any ambition to introduce Sharia law, or Islamic jurisprudence, into the constitution. That stance helped the AKP to dramatically widen its appeal beyond what previous overtly Islamic Turkish parties had enjoyed. Had Mr. Erdogan advocated nonsecular law in Egypt, that would likely have created political waves at home.
But Mr. Erdogan’s use of the term “secular” runs counter to Egyptian Islamists’ conception of Islamic-minded governance, said Essam El Erian, vice president of the Brotherhood’s newly formedpolitical party, Freedom and Justice.
Secularism has “a very bad perception among Egyptians,” said Mr. El Erian. “We have no need for this term.”
The criticism of other Brotherhood leaders went further, playing to popular Egyptian fears of foreign intrusion.
“It’s not allowed for any non-Egyptian to interfere in our constitution,” said Mahmoud Ghazlan, a spokesman for the Brotherhood. “If I was to advise the Turks I’d advise them to crop the secular article in their constitution, but I’m not allowed. It’s not my right.”
Since a nearly three-weekpopular uprising ousted Egypt’s secular-minded President Hosni Mubarak, the Arab world’s most-populous nation has emerged as a political petri dish for how Islamists can reconcile fervent religious adherence with democratic norms. The Brotherhood’s rejection of Mr. Erdogan’s counsel offers a rare hint as to the kind of political society Egypt’s powerful Islamists would like to see.
In seeking examples to emulate, Arab Islamists have often pointed to Turkey. Part of Mr. Erdogan’s broad popularity in the Middle East is based on the success his ruling Justice and Development Party has had in balancing the secular and more devout parts of the country’s population.
On Wednesday, Mr. Erdogan pledged to triple trade and investment with Egypt within four years, after earlier signing ambitious, if largely political, energy agreements.
Also on Wednesday, he met with the elderly pope of Egypt’s Coptic Christians, who make up more than 10% of Egypt’s population.
It is the paucity of strong examples of effective Islamist governance—rather than full agreement with the “Turkish model”—that best explains the Brotherhood’s stated affinity for Mr. Erdogan and his political perspective, said Shadi Hamid, an expert on the Brotherhood and the director of research at the Brookings Institution’s Saban Center for Middle East Policy in Doha, Qatar.
Egypt’s revolution thrust Islamists into a new political role. No longer cast as simply righteous leaders of the opposition to an authoritarian regime, the Brotherhood had to define a moderate political vision to ease concerns of more-secular Egyptians and Westerners. Turkey distinguished itself as an obvious example.
“They can refer to Iran, Afghanistan, Sudan, Iraq and Turkey” as examples of Islamist leadership, Mr. Hamid said. “There’s only one choice that can work for them: Turkey. It’s kind of by default.”
Such moderation stands in stark contrast to the political goals the Brotherhood has already pursued in the brief period since Egypt’s revolution liberated them from autocratic rule.
The Brotherhood led a campaign to accept a set of provisional constitutional amendments in a nationwide referendum March.
Several Islamist groups implied that rejecting the amendments—which contained no reference to religion or secularism—could jeopardize Article 2 of Egypt’s extant constitution, which states that Sharia law is the source of all legislation in Egypt’s parliament.
Since then, the Brotherhood has fought hard against efforts by secular-minded politicians to impose a set of guidelines on the country’s still-unwritten constitution that might limit Islamists’ influence in drafting the document.