Taliban influence in bureaucracy

India has been saying this for a long time … the militants in Pakistan are getting support from within the establishment … now voices within Pakistan are being raised.

DAWN.COM | Pakistan | Taliban influence in bureaucracy

**THE growing threat of violent extremism in different parts of Pakistan including Fata and Malakand Division is a matter of serious concern. **
The harrowing factor is that the writ of the Taliban is solidifying both in the north and the south not only in the Pashtun belt but also in the heartland of Pakistan.
That a high-level provincial official posted in Swat should write a letter to the NWFP home department implying the complicity of the commissioner of Malakand Division in the ever-expanding influence of the Taliban in the region is an illustration of what is happening and how.
An alliance of extremist forces in Kashmir, Punjab, Fata and the NWFP and their strategy for Pakistan’s disintegration in the near future have virtually paralysed the administrations in the different settled districts of the NWFP — not to mention the threats made by extremists to invade Islamabad very soon. After the February peace deal between the NWFP government and the banned Tehrik Nifaz-i-Shariat Mohammadi (TNSM), the Tehrik-i-Taliban (TTP) chapter of Swat started a three-pronged assault on the state.
Firstly, the Swat chapter of the TTP started recruitment and the construction of bunkers on a large scale in different parts of Swat while the military and security establishment and the government maintained control in different ways. The security establishment and the Pakistani government seem to be oblivious of the fact that the Taliban movement is far more agile than the security establishment’s response to their onslaught from different directions.
Secondly, the Swat chapter of the TTP, in line with the Taliban alliances in Fata and the rest of Pakistan, were readjusting and relocating therein and have started expanding their assaults from the north to the south of the NWFP. The present onslaught by the Taliban on Buner and Dir is part of this strategy.
Thirdly, the Taliban have started consolidating their positions vis-à-vis the security establishment by controlling strategic passes and side valleys of Swat, Buner, Shangla and Dir. In this scenario, reports that a part of the civil bureaucracy in the NWFP, Fata and elsewhere in Pakistan facilitates the process of Talibanisation is likely to be a worrisome factor for elements within and outside the country.
The present commissioner of Malakand Division is said to have been posted in lower Dir in the early 1990s when the TNSM was in the process of becoming a formidable extremist organisation with a jihadi ideology. The commissioner was said to have been a frequent visitor of Maulana Sufi Mohammad’s madressah and allegedly worked behind the scenes with the initial support of the local khans for the TNSM in 1994 when it brought the whole administration of Malakand Division to a standstill.
Many who saw the 1994 uprising of Malakand Division bear testimony to the fact that the present commissioner of the latter provided all-out help to the insurgents coming from Dir to Swat.
In the early era of Fazlullah’s rise in Swat, again the present commissioner of Malakand Division was posted as the district coordination officer. He was the one, according to local residents, who facilitated the establishment of Fazlullah’s FM radio. He was the one who convinced the local jirga of Mamdherai and Mingora to allow the FM radio to function. It was reported in 2006-07 in the local press that when the Taliban in Swat started destroying CD shops and barber shops and the owners would go to the DCO office for complaints, the DCO would tell them to close the shops because, according to him, running the business was un-Islamic. The present commissioner was also seen by the locals visiting Mamdherai markaz (centre) for Friday prayers frequently.
On April 5, 2009 a battalion of the Taliban militia with heavy weaponry crossed over the hills from Swat to Buner to avowedly supervise the implementation of the Nizam-i-Adl. The local residents of Buner had been resisting the inflow of the Taliban for a long time. The local elders intervened and tried to convince the Taliban to return but the latter opened fire at them, leaving several injured. Later the Taliban captured three policemen and two civilians, and killed them.
The local residents, the people of lower Buner and Sultanwas, gathered to move upward to face the Taliban while the people of upper Buner provided reinforcements. Fighting began and in the ensuing gun-battle some 17 members of the Taliban are said to have been killed. The questions on the minds of the local people were: why would the Taliban come with heavy weapons if they did not want to control Buner? And why were the Taliban allowed by the commissioner to move from Swat to Buner with heavy weapons?
On April 6, a delegation of the TNSM along with the commissioner Malakand Division went to Buner to negotiate with the local elders. They tried to convince the local elders to allow the Taliban to enter the valley. While the delegation engaged the local administration and the elders of Buner, the Taliban started getting reinforcements. In the context of the Taliban expansion to Buner, it is interesting to note the ideological role played by the relatively less known Jamaati Ashaatutoheed WaSunna, the creation of Maulana Tahir Panjpiri, the father of the infamous Major Amir, a well-known IB and ISI operative in the past and allegedly behind the notorious Operation Midnight Jackal. Major Amir, Syed Mohammad Javed (the present commissioner Malakand Division) and Maulana Sufi Mohammad are said to have been quite close since a long time.
According to eyewitnesses, during the recent stand-off between the Taliban and the people of Buner, the commissioner of Malakand Division made efforts to convince the people to allow the Taliban to enter Buner. The commissioner is said to have become annoyed with the superintendent of police in Buner for informing the people about the impending onslaught by the Taliban on the former.
The present commissioner of Malakand Division belongs to a religious family in Shergarh, Malakand Agency. The provincial government of the NWFP deemed it a better solution to the problem to ask for his services during the peace deal with the militants of Swat recently. This seems to be a matter of concern for all those who want to resist the Taliban and preserve a modern civilisation as opposed to adopting a mediaeval way of life.
The fact is that parts of the civilian administration in Fata, the NWFP and the rest of Pakistan is infested with the jihadi ideology and connected to the sympathisers of the Taliban in one way or the other.

Re: Taliban influence in bureaucracy

Its been sixty years now and the Pakistani establishment is also infested with Secular degenerates. The article proves this fact. The good thing is, now we know who is what.

Re: Taliban influence in bureaucracy

really interesting column. this one is also related....

Truth about the Pata Regulation

By Khadim Hussain

WHILE discussing the announcement of the newly elected prime minister in the National Assembly with reference to Fata, an analyst had remarked: “What happened in the provincially administered Malakand region following the Supreme Court verdict [in 1994] declaring the Pata Regulation ultra vires of the constitution is now for all to see.

“The decision created a legal vacuum in Malakand and led to an armed rebellion by the Tehrik-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat-i-Mohammadi calling for the enforcement of Shariat to replace the defunct Pata Regulation….”

The Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (Pata) Regulation needs to be seen in its proper perspective. It is, moreover, of immense importance to look at the issues against the backdrop of the ever-changing social structure of the areas under consideration. Malakand division, in the north-west of Pakistan, consists of districts Swat, Lower Dir, Upper Dir, Buner and Chitral. All these districts were princely states until the 1960s.

The state of Swat was merged with Pakistan in 1969, and all regular laws were extended to Swat immediately afterwards. All relevant courts and the legal system were functioning properly until 1974. But in 1975, the federal government introduced the Pata Regulation, eclipsing the regular laws then in force in the region.

The Pata Regulation was a weird combination of authoritarianism, ignorance of the changing social structure of the Swat valley, and conventions framed to appease the local elite. Judicial authority in Pata was transferred from the regular courts to the deputy commissioners of the districts in Malakand division. A jirga, consisting of local notables, would decide cases of conflict among the people of the area under the supervision of a tehsildar (the revenue officer).

The jirga members would be selected from the existing landed gentry, and the clergy of the area would give sanction to the decisions taken by the jirga. Any appeal against the jirga’s decision would be made to the deputy commissioner and the NWFP home secretary.

Revenue, judicial and executive powers were thus merged in a single individual — the deputy commissioner of the district — irrespective of the socio-political and economic dynamics that were fast changing the very fabric of society in the valley. Under the Pata Regulation, the timber mafia was ruthlessly engaged in depleting the natural resources of the valley in connivance with the district administration and the jirga members. The educated middle class was getting bulkier with the passing of each day. Lawyers, teachers, doctors, businessmen and activists had started making an impact on society in the valley.

Several NGOs took up projects that created public awareness of human rights and the environment. Moreover, political parties such as the Pakistan People’s Party, Awami National Party, Pakistan Muslim League, Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam also developed their constituencies in the Swat valley, including Buner, Dir and Chitral.

While the educated middle classes and socio-political activists were busy with their awareness programme in the Swat valley, lawyers in the late 1980s submitted a petition in the Peshawar High Court pleading for the abolition of the Pata Regulation. The Peshawar High Court gave its verdict in Feb 1990 in favour of the petition. The federal government then appealed in the Supreme Court which ruled four years later that the Pata Regulation was unconstitutional.

Another significant development in Malakand division at the time was Maulana Sufi Mohammad’s defection from the Jamaat-i-Islami. He became a member of Dir’s district council and also ran a madressah in Balambat Dir. Both the traditional elite and the provincial bureaucracy were keen to retain their absolute power in Malakand division. This was in the early nineties when the power of the Taliban was expanding in Afghanistan with the help of Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. Deobandi madressahs were sending over manpower to help the Taliban in Afghanistan and the renewed zeal of the clergy in NWFP was making an impact on the length and breadth of the Pashtun belt.

The Tehrik-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat-i-Mohammadi (TNSM) was active in Dir, Buner, Malakand and Swat even before the Supreme Court of Pakistan ruled on the federal government’s petition against the verdict of the Peshawar High Court.** It is now a well-known fact that a deputy commissioner of Lower Dir remained in close contact with Maulana Sufi Mohammad. The maulana established and strengthened his organisation with the help of the local administration and area notables.**

By the time the Supreme Court declared the Pata regulation to be ultra vires, the TNSM had become so powerful that it brought the entire Malakand administration to a standstill in 1994, demanding the imposition of Sharia in the Swat valley and other districts in the division.

According to Sher Mohammad, a prominent lawyer from Swat, instead of extending the regular laws that had been eclipsed due to the introduction of the Pata Regulation, the provincial government recommended the introduction of the Sharia Nizam-i-Adl Ordinance in 1994, acquiescing to the demagogic antics of the TNSM and compounding the confusion created by the provincial bureaucracy. The said ordinance made it compulsory for the civil courts to ask for the assistance of a Muawin Qazi and Aalim Wakil. The advice of the cleric, however, was not binding on the civil courts.

The TNSM objected to this arrangement and the federal government promulgated the Sharia Nizam-i-Adl Regulation 1999, thereby increasing the clerics’ influence in the courts. As if this were not enough, the caretaker provincial government recently proposed the ill-advised Sharia Nizam-i-Adl Regulation 2008 that would make the courts subservient to the clerics while the revenue and executive authority would be exercised by the local administration.

It was not the vacuum created by the Supreme Court decision on the Pata Regulation but the collusion of the administration with Maulana Sufi Mohammad that wreaked havoc in Malakand division. The political administration of the time gave a free hand to Maulana Sufi to help him regain the power he had lost through the Supreme Court decision.

However, when the administration came to realise what was happening, it moved to curb Maulana Sufi’s power and, in the process, hundreds of innocent lives were lost in Malakand division and Bajaur Agency.

The writer is a political analyst based in Islamabad.

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Re: Taliban influence in bureaucracy

Malakand was the first area to be taken over (seige/hostage) by fasadi mullahs in 1994 (TNSM)... any news about that area is not a surprise to me.