As part of our Independence day celebrations we would like our readers to enjoy the article which was written for “The news” newspaper by one of our own mods Minerva. Thanks Minerva for sharing it with us.
Asma Pervaiz Khan
Apparently, the Lal Masjid issue has ended with the culmination of Operation Silence and the bizarre drama is over after almost a weeklong operation that ended in wanton bloodshed. But that doesn’t mean the threat of Islamic militancy has subsided, for the Lal Masjid episode cannot be forgotten as merely a ‘passing moment.’ It signifies a mindset, symptomatic of a deep-rooted malaise, of extremism and obscurantism afflicting our society. The entire issue has raised a number of pressing questions as to the role of major actors involved and consequences for the society as a whole. The controversy surrounding the event continues unabated as its reverberations are felt across the length and breadth of the country. The militants seem to have laid siege to the land from Gawadar in the south to Swat in the north, killings hundreds of army men and civilians within a week of the operation. While Bajaur and Waziristan remain on high alert, suicide attacks in Hungu, Hub and Kohat are a premonition, that all is not well in the country.
The daily bomb blasts, sectarian clashes, intra-sect fighting, unchecked militarism, presence of aliens on our soil challenging the writ of the government; are all manifestations of growing religious extremism and a stark reminder of policies pursued in the not too distant past. The government’s initial bid to appease the Red Mosque brigade is understandable if seen in the larger context and keeping in mind the history and our overall strategy of appeasement of the religious right; its reluctance in using brutal force against the latter’s unrelenting high handedness, on account of the presence of young kids and women holed up inside the mosque was equally appreciable and reasonable. Despite all that there are a few issues such as, the timing of the operation, the number of people killed, the state asserting its writ at the behest of its foreign masters, and the perennial question of madressah reforms that have become the subject of heated debates and about which the state must come out clean and adopt an un-apologetic attitude. The delay under the present circumstances is only providing room to those who stand to draw political mileage out of it.
While earlier the government was castigated for not doing enough to stem the tide of baton yielding, weapons brand ishing students of the Lal Masjid; post operation, the government is reviled for using brute force to end the Lal Masjid conundrum. There is gradually a storm of dissenting voices building up; the politicians, the religious scholars and ulema who had initially condemned the manner in which the mosque brigade took the law of the land in their hands, have taken an about turn and are accusing the government of showing recklessness. Most observers are of the view that the government should have taken a firmer stand when the children’s library was seized; thereby making the naive assertion that at the initial stage, many precious lives could have been saved. Loss of life is most unfortunate in any event and though the delay in response may have emboldened the cleric duo at the Lal Masjid; it also helped the government to prepare a charge sheet of their unlawful acts, that eventually legitimised the latter’s retaliation. There is clearly no need to feel apologetic about the operation but it would only serve to make things less complicated, if the government shows some transparency in issuing the details of those killed together with Abdul Rashid Ghazi.
The unfolding of the Lal Masjid saga in the capital of Pakistan has once again cast a negative light on the already beleaguered lot of madressahs around the country and reinforced the need for urgent madressah reforms. Although, given the nature of their demands, one can safely assert that there could have been multiple ways to impress upon people, the veracity of their message; for clearly, despite being in the news since 2005 on account of some surreptitious actions and some blatantly provocative activities; the Lal Masjid had not yet piqued the ire of the state authorities. But their preposterous antics, totally uncalled for in our religion laid bare the discrepancies between what the maulanas at the Red Mosque espoused to achieve in the name of Islam and what Islam is, in its true spirit. The clerics’ ill-conceived, anti-vice campaign did not hold for long but they did jeopardise the lives of hundreds of naive young men, women and innocent children, who had been brainwashed to undertake actions that reflected their spiritual myopia. One wonders, how many more Lal Masjid’s are brimming with such faithfuls that would do anything to justify their actions in the light of Quran and Sunnah. The banned TNSM is a case in point that has recuperated itself and is back in action in Malakand, advocating the same agenda of Islamisation as that of Lal Masjid. They are well armed, with finances and people to take any opposition they encounter head on.
Another point of concern is the public perception of actions taken by the government, which are always viewed with scepticism. While 9/11 gave Pakistan yet another chance after the Cold War to secure its footing in the world with new political realities and alignments; the sudden turnaround on our part also created a vacuum and a wedge between the militants and the government, who have for years enjoyed the perfect ‘hand in gloves’ relationship. Today, each one is trying to reclaim its lost territory and strike at the other. Despite Musharraf’s claims that Pakistan is as much a victim of terrorism at the hands of jihadi outfits and his bid to rein in extremists at the expense of his life; there is a general consensus in the country that whatever our government does and whatever assault it plans, be it against Al Qaeda or any other home-grown militant outfit, it is invariably done at the command of its ally America.
This sentiment is particularly strong among the ranks and files of the religious right. Here the government finds it hard to absolve itself of this charge as our chequered past and wavering policies give legitimacy to this assertion. Likewise, on the other end of the spectrum are those who believe that the government’s lukewarm manner all along in dealing with the extremists reflects its insincerity. The cache of arms and the weapons found from the Lal Masjid, the presence of militants in close proximity to the sensitive government buildings couldn’t have been possible without the state’s support. Times have changed and demand that we alter the course and bring transparency in the policies.
Hence, the government needs to set a direction for itself and shun political expediency for the larger good. If it is indeed about asserting the writ of the state, then its selective application will not serve the interest of the government that believes in ‘enlightened moderation.’ One may question, where the writ of the government was when hundreds of innocent people were being killed on May 12 in Karachi? Why wasn’t the CJ stopped in his tracks if indeed he was allegedly asking for favours for his kin and amassing power? The government’s inaction and delaying tactics have made matters worse, so much so that now when it tries to rectify issues that have been overlooked over the years; they either backfired or are perceived as politically motivated.
The moment of truth has arrived for Musharraf as once again he is on top. He must decide whether he wants to strengthen the extremists or lead Pakistan on the path to democracy. The political manoeuvrings reminiscent of the 2002 elections must be avoided, because by keeping the democratic and political forces at bay, he will only encourage the jihadi elements inside the country that have taken their positions to guard their interests and are already holding large sections of the population hostage to their whims.
