Although I don’t agree with what Mr Achakzai often says and does, but I think he’s a man of principles, he’s never been bought of with a Ministry and has always supported democracy above all else.
Mahmud Khan Achakzai
Nationalistic nuances
By Raza Rahman
Khan Qazi (MMA) is a child of circumstances, with parties having different ideologies. Moreover, a political entity, whose illiterate mullahs were doled out graduation certificates by the establishment, cannot have an agenda of its own
Mahmud Khan Achakzai is the son of legendary Pukhtoon nationalist leader from Balochistan, Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai. Samad Khan fought for the rights of Pukhtoons from the platform of National Awami Party (NAP); however, after his brutal killing and parting of ways with the NAP, Mahmud Khan Achakzai took over as the head of newly formed Pukhtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP).
Since the restoration of democracy in 1988, he has won the National Assembly seat from Balochistan on all occasions. In October 2002 Elections, he again won; in fact, he is the only Pukhtoon nationalist in the present NA after the historic defeat of ANP and other nationalist parties.
Achakzai is also the Chairman of Pakistan Oppressed Nations Movement (PONAM), a conglomerate of Sindhis, Seraikis, Baloch and Pushtoon nationalists.
In a recent interview with Political Economy, he spoke on a range of social and political issues. Excerpts follow:
PE: Why is your party so annoyed with the present political set-up?
MKA: In Pakistan, there has been either complete or partial Marital Laws. The supremacy of the Constitution has been undermined and a disabled Parliament is in place. A military general, who is still drawing salary from public kitty, is Pakistan’s President. I think these are enough reasons to be critical of the existing set-up.
PE: What, in your opinion, is the panacea?
MKA: Most people are of the view that transfer of power to elected government is the solution. We have been witnessing ‘entrusting’ of governments to civilian set-ups like the present one, but the problem persists. This means that the problem lies elsewhere.
After a thorough research, our party has arrived on an understanding that Pakistan is a multi-ethnic state, comprised of Pukthoons, Sindhis, Balochis and Punjabis. So, if Pakistan has to be successful, it should assume a form of true federation. Military should not have any role in this federation. Intelligence agencies should not interfere in state affairs. ‘Live and let live’ should be the motto of all, and every nationality should be considered equal.
PE: How can this be attained?
MKA: It is not very difficult, provided the powers-that-be have the moral strength and foresight. In this connection, keeping in with the spirit of the 1940 Resolution, a new constituent assembly should be elected on the basis of equality of nations’ participation and numerical strength to draft a new constitution. Senate should be given co-equal legislative powers. Resources should be placed under the jurisdiction of the provinces that must also own them. Voluntarily, provinces may delegate fraction of their subjects to the centre for the latter’s running. These must not be snatched away by force. Army should represent all nationalities of Pakistan, and Punjab should not have dominance. Regional languages of Pakistan should be made national languages. Urdu could only be the state language, as it is not even spoken by 5% of country’s population.
PE: You believe in a total sidetracking of military. Do you think it is a realistic view?
MKA: The so-called ground realities have kept us captive of the circumstances and dismembered the country, while the present situation is not less critical than the 1971 crisis. We are not against military personnel taking part in politics. But they should form their political party or may join any existing party. However, they cannot be allowed to drag an important state institution like military in politics, which is not in the state’s interest nor in the interest of its people. Political forces should take a firm stand against generals’ interference in politics and there should not be any middle ways."
PE: You are often labeled as unpatriotic. Why?
MKA: The propaganda is stale now. Whenever you speak for your rights, such accusations are made. People who make such accusations are themselves unpatriotic, as they do not want to break the status quo and relinquish their injudicious share.
We are not against the existence of Pakistan. But at the same time, we are not ready to live on our own soil as second or third-rate citizens or as refugees. Had Pushtoons been unpatriotic, the power brokers would not have sent a Pushtoon nationalist delegation to Shiekh Mujeeb to negotiate with the latter on part of West Pakistan.
PE: Don’t you think that your humanitarian agenda is at variance with your nationalistic politics?
MKA: We speak for the oppressed, irrespective of nationality. As far as demanding rights for the suppressed Pushtoons, we are justified in doing so. We cannot disown our nationality and that too of a nation that has a glorious history. I swear we do not discriminate people on the basis of ethnicity. Biases erupt when there is no justice.
PE: What impact political conditions in the country have had on the collective psyche of the people?
MKA: Today, people have become suspicious of the state and its institutions. The social phenomenon of looking after individual interests, that has emerged quite strongly, is mainly due to the failure of state’s machinery. A sense of insecurity is behind it. It is very dangerous. I believe that the seemingly disciplined military has also got effected with the problem and the leadership race is on among its top brass. It is indeed a very dangerous situation.
PE: This means there is a lot of difference between individualism of our society and the individualism of the West, as the former is a result of retrogression and the latter of progress…
MKA: That is true.
PE: Then, what future do you foresee for the country?
MKA: If the politics of status quo persists, the future of our country is very bleak. America is physically in the region now, culminating its interference in Pakistani politics that started in the 1950s. Our governments have been under great influence of the US since then. We fought the ‘holy war’ against former Soviet Union in Afghanistan, in which the US spent a total of $30bn. We deceived the Afghans but we cannot hoodwink the US. Therefore, we should hold transparent negotiations with the US as what she wants of us. We must tell the Americans candidly that we could not offer them anything that is against the interest of the people of Pakistan. But this could only be done by a genuine political process and not by ‘pseudo democracies’.
PE: Why did Pukhtoon nationalists suffer total defeat in the recent elections?
MKA: I would not say that nationalists failed. On the contrary the people voted for the MMA in Northern Pushtoonkhwa (NWFP) and Southern Pushtoonkhwa (Upper Balohcistan) as a reaction because they have not been experiencing change in their socio-economic situation.
However, it is right that our nationalists have been unable to deliver any good to their nation. But those, who have been claiming themselves as Pukhtoon’s leaders, were not pursuing nationalist manifestos in their original forms either.
PE: Why did nationalist MPs accede to the 1973 Constitution when it was so faulty in their opinion?
MKA: The assembly, which approved the 1973 Constitution was originally elected for united Pakistan. Moreover, it was not technically sound enough to give approval to a draft constitution. When Bangladesh was formed, Shiekh Mujeeb held fresh elections there and re-elected himself. Bhutto continued with the same assembly. The said assembly was incompetent to approve a constitution. However, the nationalist MPs acceded to it so as to pull the country out of its worst crisis in which the military had pushed it. This again proved the nationalists’ loyalty. Though certain Baloch and Pushtoon nationalists like Dr Abdul Hayee Baloch and Abdul Khaliq Khan from Upper Pushtoonkhwa did not sign the document.
Then the original Constitution was tampered first by Bhutto and later on by military dictators. Our point is that military must serve the state and not vice versa. If it can alter the constitution for its own requirement, then what is the sanctity of such a document? Therefore, we believe, that human needs and requirements are more sacred than any constitution. So, according to the needs and requirements of the people of Pakistan, a new constitution must be formed.
PE: Why there are so many Pukthoon nationalist parties?
MKA: Almost all these parties were part of NAP previously. After NAP’s disintegration these parties emerged on the national political scene.
PE: Are there any differences between Pukhtoons and Balochs in Balochistan?
MKA: There might be slight differences but overall they all enjoy cordial relationship. They are part of PONAM. In fact, Balochs have this understanding with us that Pushtoons of Balochistan should join Northern Pushtoonkhwa (NWFP) to form a purely Pushtoon province. Now the government, by appointing a Baloch as Governor of Balochistan, has breached a convention that Pushtoons and Balochs should have one key post each in the province, for instance the post of Governor and CM.
PE: Does MMA have any set political agenda?
MKA: Not at all! The alliance is a child of circumstances, with parties having different ideologies. Moreover, a political entity, whose illiterate mullahs were doled out graduation certificates by the establishment, cannot have an agenda of its own.