ISI's political cell

The political cell was set up by Quaid e jamhooriyat in 1975 through an executive order. It was claimed by ex PM Gillani in 2008 and recently by Defence Secretary that the cell had been disbanded five years ago. But for ending this cell an executive order is required which has not been issued to date.

?BBC Urdu? - ??? - ??? ??? ?? ??? ?? ??? ??? ??? ??? ???](‭BBC Urdu‬ - ‮پاکستان‬ - ‮سیاسی سیل کی بندش کا حکم نامہ جاری نہیں ہوا‬)

پاکستان کے اہم ترین انٹیلی جنس ادارے انٹر سروسز انٹیلی جنس (آئی ایس آئی) میں قائم سیاسی سیل کے خاتمے کا اعلان تو کر دیا گیا ہے لیکن اسے بند کرنے کے لیے ’ایگزیکٹو آرڈر‘ یا انتظامی حکم نامہ ابھی تک جاری نہیں کیا گیا۔
آئی ایس آئی میں یہ سیاسی سیل سنہ انیس سو پچھہتر میں اس وقت کے وزیراعظم ذوالفقار علی بھٹو کے تحریری حکم پر قائم کیا گیا تھا اور سرکاری قواعد کے مطابق اسے بند کرنے کے لیے بھی اسی نوعیت کے حکم نامے کی ضرورت ہے جو تاحال جاری نہیں کیا گیا ہے۔

آئی ایس آئی کے ایک ترجمان نے بی بی سی کے استفسار پر بتایا کہ ان کے ادارے میں قائم سیاسی سیل بند کر دیا گیا ہے۔

اس اہلکار نے بتایا کہ یہ سیل اس وقت بند کیا گیا تھا جب جنرل اشفاق پرویز کیانی آئی ایس آئی کے ڈائریکٹر جنرل کے عہدے پر فائز تھے۔

تاہم آئی ایس آئی کے اس افسر نے اس سوال کا براہ راست جواب دینے سے گریز کیا کہ کیا ان کے ادارے کو یہ سیل بند کرنے کے لیے موجودہ یا کسی سابق حکومت کی طرف سے باضابطہ حکم موصول ہوا ہے یا نہیں؟
وزیراعظم کی جانب سے اس نوعیت کے حکم نامے جاری کرنے کی ذمہ داری کابینہ ڈویژن کی ہوتی ہے۔
کابینہ ڈویژن کے ایک متعلقہ افسر نے بی بی سی کو بتایا کہ ان کی ڈویژن کے ذریعے کوئی حکم آئی ایس آئی کو ارسال نہیں کیا گیا ہے جس کے ذریعے اس سیل کو بند کیا جا سکے۔

اس افسر کا کہنا ہے کہ سپریم کورٹ کے حکم پر کابینہ ڈویژن نے اس مبینہ نوٹیفیکشن کو تلاش کرنے بہت کوشش کی۔ یہ نوٹیفیکشن تو نہیں ملا البتہ بعض ایسی سمریاں اور دیگر خطوط ملے ہیں جن سے ثابت ہوتا ہے کہ آئی ایس آئی میں سیاسی سیل کسی نوٹیفیکشن نہیں بلکہ ایک مراسلے کی بنیاد پر قائم کیا گیا تھا جو سابق وزیراعظم ذوالفقار علی بھٹو نے تحریر کیا تھا۔

اس افسر نے اس خط اور سیاسی سیل کی تشکیل کا پس منظر بیان کرتے ہوئے بتایا کہ کابینہ ڈویژن میں انس سو پچہتر میں تحریر کیے گئے میٹنگز کے منٹس سے یہ پتہ چلتا ہے کہ کابینہ کی دفاعی کمیٹی کے اجلاس میں اس وقت کے آئی ایس آئی کے سربراہ نے بتایا کہ بعض سیاستدان بھارتی خفیہ ادارے ’را‘ کے ساتھ رابطے میں ہیں۔
انیس سو اکہتر کی جنگ اور اس کے پس منظر میں یہ بیان کابینہ کمیٹی میں خاصی تشویش کی نظر سے دیکھا گیا اور طے کیا گیا کہ آئی ایس آئی ایسے سیاستدانوں پر نظر رکھے گی۔

اس میٹنگ کے فوراً بعد وزیراعظم ذوالفقار علی بھٹو نے آئی ایس آئی کے سربراہ کو ایک مراسلہ تحریر کیا جس میں ایک خصوصی سیل قائم کرنے کا حکم دیا گیا جس کے ذریعے بھارت کے ساتھ رابطوں میں ’ملوث‘ سیاستدانوں پر نظر رکھی جا سکے۔
یہی سیل آئی ایس آئی کا ’سیاسی‘سیل قرار دیا گیا اور اسی کے بارے میں اب آئی ایس آئی نے سپریم کورٹ کو بتایا ہے کہ اس بند کر دیا گیا ہے۔

تاہم کابینہ ڈویژن کے ایک ذمہ دار کا کہنا ہے کہ تکنیکی لحاظ سے یہ سیل ابھی تک موجود ہے کیونکہ اسے بند کرنے کے لیے وزیراعظم کی جانب سے نہ کوئی نیا حکم جاری کیا گیا ہے اور نہ ہی انیس سو پچھہتر کا حکم نامہ واپس لینے کے لیے کوئی مراسلہ تحریر کیا گیا ہے۔

تکنیکی لحاظ سے یہ سیل شائد کام کر رہا ہو لیکن حزب اختلاف سے متعلق بعض سیاستدانوں کا کہنا ہے کہ ان کے اندازے کے مطابق یہ سیل اب عملاً کام نہیں کر رہا۔
حزب اختلاف کی سب سے بڑی جماعت پاکستان مسلم لیگ نواز کے مرکزی راہنما راجہ ظفر الحق نے اس بارے میں بی بی سی کے ایک سوال کے جواب میں کہا کہ ان کے پاس کوئی مصدقہ اطلاع نہیں ہے کہ آئی ایس آئی کا سیاسی سیل کام کر رہا ہے یا نہیں، لیکن قرائن یہی بتاتے ہیں کہ یہ سیل اب زیادہ سرگرم نہیں ہے۔

’جنرل پرویز مشرف کے دور میں آئی ایس آئی نے ہماری جماعت کے راہنماؤں اور کارکنوں کے خلاف بہت سرگرمی دکھائی۔اس وقت بہت شدت سے محسوس ہوتا تھا کہ آئی ایس آئی سیاست میں براہ راست ملوث ہے۔ لیکن جنرل مشرف کے جانے کے بعد سے آئی ایس آئی کے سیاست میں کردار میں بتدریج کمی محسوس ہوئی ہے۔‘
راجہ ظفر الحق نے کہا کہ گزشتہ کچھ عرصے سے انہوں نے سیاسی بحث کے دوران اس سیل کا تذکرہ سنا نہیں ہے جس سے محسوس یہی ہوتا ہے کہ یہ سیل اب پہلے کی طرح سرگرم نہیں ہے۔تاہم ان کا کہنا تھا کہ اس تاثر کی وجہ یہ بھی ہو سکتی ہے کہ ملک میں مجموعی سیاسی ماحول بھی خاصا تبدیل ہو چکا ہے۔

Re: ISI's political cell

^ Did PPP come up with any reaction over the news?

Re: ISI's political cell

^ they dont normally respond to such things :)

Re: ISI's political cell

Just read the Urdu again and claim .
No order , no notification , no letter even .
If they have no such letter or record with them , even they could not find it , Why they need an order from some one , Just kidding the nation with foolish arguments .
" اس افسر نے اس خط اور سیاسی سیل کی تشکیل کا پس منظر بیان کرتے ہوئے بتایا کہ کابینہ ڈویژن میں انس سو پچہتر میں تحریر کیے گئے میٹنگز کے منٹس سے یہ پتہ چلتا ہے کہ کابینہ کی دفاعی کمیٹی کے اجلاس میں اس وقت کے آئی ایس آئی کے سربراہ نے بتایا کہ بعض سیاستدان بھارتی خفیہ ادارے ’را‘ کے ساتھ رابطے میں ہیں۔
انیس سو اکہتر کی جنگ اور اس کے پس منظر میں یہ بیان کابینہ کمیٹی میں خاصی تشویش کی نظر سے دیکھا گیا اور طے کیا گیا کہ آئی ایس آئی ایسے سیاستدانوں پر نظر رکھے گی۔"
There was no mandate for doing politics on this base .
All nonsenses without any mandate .

Re: ISI's political cell

^ If there is no political cell within the ISI, then what is the government claiming to have closed?

Read this:

اس افسر کا کہنا ہے کہ سپریم کورٹ کے حکم پر کابینہ ڈویژن نے اس مبینہ نوٹیفیکشن کو تلاش کرنے بہت کوشش کی۔ یہ نوٹیفیکشن تو نہیں ملا البتہ بعض ایسی سمریاں اور دیگر خطوط ملے ہیں جن سے ثابت ہوتا ہے کہ آئی ایس آئی میں سیاسی سیل کسی نوٹیفیکشن نہیں بلکہ ایک مراسلے کی بنیاد پر قائم کیا گیا تھا جو سابق وزیراعظم ذوالفقار علی بھٹو نے تحریر کیا تھا۔

Re: ISI's political cell

What Anwar Pasha sahib is saying that ISI-political-cell came into being without government wanting it, and PPP govt is so strong they removed the ISI-political-cell without even 'ordering' it :)

Re: ISI's political cell

okay thats should be in jokes forum! =)

Re: ISI’s political cell

The letter in question was in fact produced in court back in 1997, and then Chief Justice Saeed uz Zaman Siddiqui witnessed it. You can pretend it didnt exist, but that wont change the facts.
http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-2-140948-Justice-Siddiqui-confirms-seeing-ISI-cell-notification

Re: ISI’s political cell

Than that should be produced by SC . And still it says that they were asked only the watch of those politicians who were having links with India , not for the purposes it was used later . And remember no politician is arrested in these 37 years for links with any foreign country so we can think that it was a false report presented to PM by these fools .

Re: ISI's political cell

^ Please do not labour to explain what it was supposed to do. It is fine if you are not willing to acknowlege the truth.

Re: ISI's political cell

No need to explain . The thread is self explanatory . The statement says that the Bhutto was a country loving and a false report was submitted to him so he asked to keep watch on the politicians who have linked with India .
And what the ISI did in response , Asghar Khan case is a very small example .
Find the criminals and what we can do of them , You can do here . Atleast say them bad .
Read the letter and thread again . Everything is clear but your mind is not ready to accept the truth .

Re: ISI's political cell

I said

Ali Syed posted

Captain 1 translated this all in his own words from his own mind

And here are comments of our boss . Our boss is not less than his leader

[quote="Sohaib, post:9, topic:272113"]

okay thats should be in jokes forum! =)/QUOTE]

Re: ISI’s political cell

ISI`s political wing | Latest news, Breaking news, Pakistan News, World news, business, sport and multimedia | DAWN.COM

Bhutto had set up ISI political cell: SC verdict - thenews.com.pk

**ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court says it has been established on record that the then prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto created a political cell in the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) under an executive order issued in May 1975.

The detailed judgment on Asghar Khan’s petition, released on Thursday, said that one of the ISI wings was assigned to perform political duties. Presumably, it could have been anything with respect to this aspect except to assist the federal government in its political affairs.

Despite the court’s repeated directions, the relevant notification was not produced and it had been withheld, the ruling said.**It added that as far as the functions of intelligence sharing on strategic matters by the ISI was concerned; the armed forces are discharging their functions to defend Pakistan against internal and external aggression, according to Article 243 of the Constitution.The judgment said that the apex court while exercising its jurisdiction to ascertain as to whether the fundamental rights of voters under Article 17(2) of the Constitution are violated or not, is not supposed to delve into this aspect.

However, it strongly noticed, while looking back towards the historical aspect, in pursuance whereof at various times, martial law was imposed by the armed forces, derailing the democratic system. A duly elected representative being the prime minister under no circumstances has power to encourage any political or unconstitutional activities of the ISI, the decision said.

In response thereto, the judgment said, the ISI director general, with full knowledge and information of the then Chief of Army Staff (COAS), with illegal orders, blocked the flow of democratic order instead of allowing the citizens and voters to elect their chosen representatives freely, fairly and justly. Such action by uniformed army generals not only violated discipline but also brought a bad name to the institution while their action negated the constitutional mandate on the subject, it added.

Thus, the judgment said, having covered a long distance, during which Pakistan was faced with unconstitutional era and judiciary was also being alleged to support military adventurers, ultimately, for all times to come, the judiciary as an institution decided not to support any unconstitutional regime in future. The object is to strengthen the institutions of the Parliament and democratic system of government as envisaged by the Constitution, wherein the state is to exercise its powers and authority through the chosen representatives of the people.

The ruling said that it may be seen that the military regimes besides derailing the parliamentary system from time to time also mutilated constitutional provisions, particularly, with reference to instant case, by introducing Article 58(2)(b) by the 8th and 17th constitutional amendments.

It said that by means of these amendments, the president was made stronger and the parliamentary system converted into semi-presidential type, as instead of strengthening the prime minister, who is the chief executive and Leader of the House in the National Assembly, the powers were shifted to the president, who was empowered to dissolve the National Assembly.

Historically, the judgment said, there is no gainsaying that the office of the President both during military and civil governments has been indulging in politics. There have been constitutional deviations from time to time due to which parliamentary system was weakened and could not flourish in Pakistan as envisaged by the Constitution.

The decision gave a graphic detail of the historical background in which the 1990 general elections were held.

On August 17, 1988, COAS General Ziaul Haq, who imposed martial law on July 7, 1977 and later assumed the office of president died in C-130 airplane crash carrying top military brass of the time and some other notable international figures few moments before his arrival at the Bahawalpur Military Airbase.

General Mirza Aslam Beg, the then Vice COAS, was also flying to Bahawalpur but in a separate plane and survived. The same day, Ghulam Ishaq Khan (GIK), the then Senate Chairman, was sworn in as the acting president and Beg was made COAS. On November 16, 1988, general elections were held and Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), which captured the largest number of seats in the National Assembly in comparison to other parties, formed the federal government.

GIK was elected as the new president. Political differences arose between the president and the elected Benazir Bhutto government. On August 6, 1990, the president, using his discretionary powers under Article 58(2)(b), which was inserted by the 8th Amendment, dissolved the National Assembly and dismissed the government on the ground that the federation was not being carried out in accordance with the Constitution. The dissolution was challenged before the Supreme Court and it was upheld.

The ruling also recalled that Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi was appointed as the caretaker prime minister and fresh elections were scheduled to be held on October 24, 1990. A 9-party electoral alliance, Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI), won the largest parliamentary seats and formed the government with Nawaz Sharif as the prime minister.

On April 19, 1993 GIK again invoked Article 58(2)(b) and dissolved the National Assembly on the grounds and allegations of maladministration, corruption, nepotism etc. This led once again to forming an interim government headed by caretaker Prime Minister Balakh Sher Mazari. The dissolution order was challenged before the Supreme Court wherein the exercise of power by the president’s discretionary power was held to be unconstitutional.

In consequence, the judgment said, the National Assembly and the government were restored. However, as the political standoff continued, the president dissolved the National Assembly on the advice of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and proceeded on leave as part of the political arrangement. This time, Waseem Sajjad, the then Chairman Senate, became the acting president while Moeen Qureshi, a banker from New York, was appointed as the caretaker prime minister. Elections were held on October 6, 1993 and the PPP emerged as the biggest winner of seats in the National Assembly and formed government with Benazir Bhutto as the prime minister.

Farooq Leghari, a PPP political worker, was elected as the new president. On November 6, 1996, he too invoked Article 58(2)(b) and dissolved the National Assembly on various charges and allegations.

On November 11, 1996, while the PPP government was in office, Maj-Gen (R) Nasirullah Babar, the then Minister for Interior, made a speech in the National Assembly wherein he presented an affidavit dated July 24, 1994, sworn by the former ISI chief Lt-Gen (R) Asad Durrani wherein it was asserted that different sums of money were disbursed to various politicians and political parties forming part of IJI to enable them to win elections. At the time of making affidavit, Durrani was posted as Ambassador in Germany.

He stated in the affidavit that in September 1990 while he was posted as ISI chief, he received instructions from Beg “to provide logistic support to the disbursement of donation made by some businessmen of Karachi to the election campaign of IJI”.

Re: ISI's political cell

This is not a different story than Urdu .Presumption is made with the record produced . Story in Urdu is by an independent source and there is no journalist in Pakistan who have courage to challenge this Mafia . No bureaucrat have courage to stop them . Best thing this time that no fake record could be produced . Thank you courts . Otherwise they have also capability to hang any one on fake record and witnesses .

Re: ISI's political cell

The leading criminal here is Bhutto. Pretend all you want about the 'purpose' of the political cell, but it was made specifically to stunt all opposition, in line with Bhuttos aims of complete control over Pakistan....in line with his martial law.....and in line with his obscene 1977 elections 'victory'.

The argument you are using can also be used by the defendants of the Asghar Khan case. After all, all that happened in 1990 was campaign financing. Money was passed on by donors to the ISI, to be disbursed to specific political parties. The reason ISI was in the middle of these money transfers is because Bhutto politicized it. Had he kept ISI out of politics, things would have been different. But then again, ZAB was born out of a martial law, and ran a martial law himself. His entire 'political career was run on the back of the army. He used the army for his own sick benefits, and when the army went against him, PPP started with their 'mazloomiat' chant. Bull. And PPP has the guts to blame other politicians for their links to the army.
Bhutto family thinks Pakistan is their personal piggy bank, meant to be passed on in inheritance, one scumbag to another.

Re: ISI's political cell

**Your post tells your failure . I am afraid that many of Nirralas will become mad soon looking at the failure

Chand par thooko gay to moo***nh par aaiay ga*
چاند پر تھوکو گے تو منہ پر آئے گا
He was a brave and learned man
The foolish language of followers of the dirtiest politician of the world is too a reason of his failure .
he was thousand time better than this world renowned male prostitute Imran Khan

Re: ISI’s political cell

If I were to translate in your words from your mind it would be maaroon ghutna phootay aankh

yet again, the topic is something else but nazlay-ka-shikar Imran Khan, it just shows how insecure you are about your party :hehe:

Re: ISI’s political cell

Dont shy away from the history, creating the political wing in ISI was part of the bigger scheme of things that Bhutto had in store for the opposition. You can add FSF in the list for completeness sake.

He was a full fledge dictator.

http://dawn.com/2012/07/29/a-leaf-from-history-fsf-the-dreaded-organisation/

When Bhutto was faced with the police strike in March 1972, he became disillusioned about the role of law enforcement agencies. He feared that the situation would deteriorate further.

**To pre-empt a disaster he took a bold step. He called General Tikka Khan, the newly-appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army, and shared his intentions. The Federal Security Force came into existence almost immediately after that, fully equipped with modern arms. It was a formidable force mainly aimed at providing security to Bhutto and potentially thwart a possible coup — something he always feared. It would be under the direct control of no less a person than Bhutto himself.
**
The Federal Security Force was established with a force of 15,000 personnel; the plan was to increase its strength but this could not be done for want of funds. Stationed all over the country, its prime duty was to provide assistance to the police in maintaining law and order, beef up security at political meetings and rallies, keep a strict vigil over political opponents and even resort to violence if necessary to keep opponents in line. Through various branches it collected intelligence to counter the opposition parties and kept an eye on potential threats.

Haq Nawaz Tiwana, an officer drawn from the police, was the first director general of the FSF; he was soon replaced by Masood Mahmood, who had begun his career in the Indian Police Service two years before Independence and later received his law degree from Lincoln’s Inn. Bhutto and Masood Mahmood had a close relationship and frequently discussed various issues in confidence. However, after Ziaul Haq took over and opened the Kasuri murder case — investigating the death of Nawab Mohammad Ahmad Khan Kasuri, father of eminent politician Ahmad Raza Kasuri, who was killed on March 10-11, 1974 — Masood Mahmood became his ally and helped Ziaul Haq in sending Bhutto to the gallows.

To come back to the FSF, it is not clear why Bhutto really needed such a force. Many writers and social scientists believe that Bhutto did not want any kind of opposition. They think that he wanted to keep the people, especially his political opponents, in a constant state of fright.

It is a fact that the FSF committed several acts of violence. Among them the killing of Dr Nazir Ahmad, was very shocking. A Jamaat-i-Islami leader and MNA elected from Dera Ghazi Khan, he was an outspoken leader who opposed dictatorship and autocratic rule in the country. He used to criticise the PPP and Bhutto’s policies. On June 8, 1972, he was killed by unknown assailants while he was working in his clinic. His murder was immediately blamed on the FSF.

Another violent tragedy was the firing at Liaquat Bagh on March 23, 1973 where a political rally was being held. As the meeting began, firing ensued from various sides killing dozens of people. Wali Khan blamed FSF for resorting to unprovoked firing that claimed many innocent lives. The firing was never investigated.

Besides this, cases against many opposition workers and activists were framed based on FSF intelligence reports. The FSF’s role as a force to encounter any attempt of a coup was becoming a farce and people were becoming aware of what was happening.

After Ziaul Haq’s takeover, the case of Nawab Mahmood Ahmad Kasuri was opened and Masood Mahmood, its director general, selected by Bhutto himself, turned against him as state witness and paved the way for his death. Along with Bhutto, FSF officials Mian Abbas, Arshad Iqbal, Ghulam Mustafa and Rana Iftikhar were also sentenced to death. In July 1977, the FSF was disbanded by Ziaul Haq.

Re: ISI’s political cell

We are never shy about Bhutto .
He was great and we love him .
No need of editing any thing about his great works and life
Please let me write and post about the dirty life of your leader Imran Khan .
I assure you that this will break at least all records here .
Here you posted about our great leader in this thread .

Re: ISI's political cell

^ This thread is about your leader, leave the remaining 99 % threads for IK.

Please go tell these stories to some one else, I very well know the character of your leader as my family has been offered "husn e salook" by your great leader.