Ghaddaar Kaun? -Nawaz Shraif ki Kahani unki Zabani

A book review, especially posted for Amorphous

Twice bitten, still shy

Nawaz Sharif says he is innocent — perhaps too innocent for the muddy waters of politics
‘Ghaddaar Kaun? -Nawaz Shraif ki Kahani unki Zabani’

By Sohail Warraich

Sagar Publishers 2006

Price Rs 900

pp 456

By Asha’ar Rehman

“You wrote against us,” is how Nawaz Sharif, in exile in Jeddah, greets his interviewer, Sohail Warraich. The man has changed. He has not changed. He is vindictive, he is not. The incident lends itself to various interpretations, as does the just-published book it is taken from.

To the agitated democrat, it reads like a lament of a prime minister who was in power yet was so very bereft of independence. To the local fusion experts it provides a perfect proof that the country desperately needs to formalise the army’s role as a power-sharer. The historian may find in it passages that can rank with the most moving lines written by Bahadur Shah Zafar in exile in Rangoon and a cynic who has rummaged through this pile of information will be justified in asking as to why, after all that, would someone still pursue a career in power politics in Pakistan. Why?

Mian Saheb’s answer to the central question is that he wants a change in the system which will free the future elected representatives to take decisions. We don’t know how realistic the argument is, coming from someone who is known to have advanced by compromise. What we know for sure is that after the initial and perhaps deliberate posturing by Mian Saheb, where he let Sohail Warraich know that he remembered who had said what about him when, he finally gave the long interview that has now been published in the form of an intriguing book entitled ‘Ghaddaar Kaun?-Nawaz Shraif ki Kahani unki Zabani’.

The book includes interviews of other members of the Sharif family, along with conversations with Captain Safdar, Nawaz’s son-in-law, and Nawaz’s military secretary at the time he was ousted in 1999, Brigadier Javed Malik. It is rich on instances, even if a bit wanting on dates, meant as it is for consumption in a land where history tends to repeat itself in quick succession, turning everything hazy.

Mian Saheb could not have found a more reputable channel to bring his case to the people. Lahore-based Sohail Warraich is famous for his interviews, both in print and on television. Interviews are quite often described as the prized items in a journalist’s collection and Sohail has a treasure-trove of them in his name. He is a gentle grafter who works quietly on his subject, asking them harmless queries about their childhood and family, and letting them tell him about their favourite singers and food. Mian Saheb tells Sohail he likes Muhammad Rafi and daal chawal, while after all these years he may perhaps be forgiven for getting his old cholay walla’s name wrong (If one remembers rightly, his name was Chiragh and not Meraj and he is no more present at his customary spot at Regal chowk in Lahore because he died a few years ago).

In what is usual for Sohail Warraich, he does not press the former prime minister too hard. Instead he leads his readers to draw their own conclusions, paving the way with subtle hints. As specimens go, at one point when Mian Saheb blames his ex-aide Saifur Rehman for persecuting the Jang group back in 1998, he is allowed to get away without disclosing the name of the gentleman who was actually responsible for catapulting the small-time businessman from Lahore to the all-important position of being the chief of accountability in his government. The identification is not needed.

Similarly, Mian Saheb ends up denying nothing when he says that Mian Azhar’s father had not lent the Sharifs any money when they were struggling to find their feet after Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s nationalistaion: all the Sharifs had got from their friends in this case was machinery on deferred payment.

Bhutto’s nationalisation? After so many years of hostility, we finally learn on Mian Saheb’s authority that it was not ZAB who had carried out the policy. The actual ghaddaar turns out to be a certain eccentric doctor by the name of Mubashir Hasan. Finally getting to the bottom of things, Mian Saheb minces no words as he points the finger at the not so good old doctor, in the process absolving ZAB of the ills let loose by nationalisation. By contrast, the Jamaat-e-Islami comes in for criticism from him at many places. After years of cohabitation, the Jamaat in Mian Saheb’s eyes is the establishment’s horse that does what it is told. Like protesting against Atal Behari Vajpayee’s visit to Lahore in February 1999.

Mian Saheb is full of sympathy for fellow toppled prime minister Benazir Bhutto. He recalls he had asked Mohtarma to leave the country to escape legal cases during his regime and reiterates that his government had been pushed into a situation by you know who to earn the politicians a bad name.

In the course of the whole interview, Mian Saheb never reaches Muhammad Rafi’s. He could have made a clear breast of it without provocation if he had so wanted to. While the book is revealing in certain aspects, it is clear that the former prime minister has kept some precious details of what he knows to himself, focusing most of its attention on the general who overthrew him — the general, he now tells us, he had appointed as the chief of army staff in haste.

That was his mistake. The Kargil that preceded his ouster from power by a few months wasn’t. It could not be blamed on him, he says, for the simple reason that he knew nothing about it. The debate nonetheless continues as General Pervez Musharraf reacts quickly to Nawaz Sharif’s accusations in ‘Ghaddaar Kaun’ with a television interview of his own. General Musharraf reminds Mian Saheb of his visit to Kashmir, just a fortnight before Prime Minister Vajpayee’s visit to Lahore on February 19, 1999, when the Kargil conflict was at its peak. In ‘Ghaddaar Kaun’, Nawaz Sharif maintains that it was Vajpayee who had told him about the Kargil adventure by the Pakistan Army in the same Lahore meeting. “A (Pakistan) prime minister is not worth his salt if he is informed about Kargil operation by his Indian counterpart,” General Musharraf is quoted as saying.

Sohail Warraich makes no secret of how he was repeatedly stopped by Mian Saheb from publishing the interview, until finally giving ‘Ghaddaar Kaun’ his ‘nod’. Now that the book is out, Mian Saheb has plenty more to explain, not least about his expedition to Kashmir in February 1999. Unless he can sort out the past, he will continue to be looked upon as a man too innocent for the complicated game called politics. Sentences like “I was pushed into it” and “That was a mistake on our part” do not reflect well on a leader looking as much for self-redemption as he is for system-change.

Re: Ghaddaar Kaun? -Nawaz Shraif ki Kahani unki Zabani

"Ghost Wars" also gives some behind the screen detail about the episode related to Nawaz-Musharaf controversy..

Re: Ghaddaar Kaun? -Nawaz Shraif ki Kahani unki Zabani

Thank you zakk. I stumbled upon your thread. Much as I love to read about culture and arts, I rarely stray into this corner. I see here neither any culture nor any arts. Most of our social sciences seem to revolve around the nuanced differences of language, race, caste sytem and everything else which is not cultured. Since you posted this article especially for me, I feel obliged to give my opinion no matter how inaccurate my reading of Pakistan's political scene is.

An interesting critique from Jang group. In my view, Sharif should understand that by absolving Benazir and Z. A. Bhutto from all thier sins, he's playing along with the same ghostly establishment he clamis to resent so much. If the party he helped to gain power by evolving IJI, and in 2002, by not fielding his candidates, is an establishment's trojan horse, then this asymmetrical alliance of rightists and leftists in Pakistani politics would also be viewed by these politicans as nothing more than an establishment ploy after a few years. I wonder if they would claim to have been pushed into this alliance by some of their maverick or eccentric companions they hold so dear at this moment!

Both Bhutto and Sharif should realize that their constituencies are largely mutually exclusive (doesn't mean that they should be enemy to each other), and the already depoliticized Pakistani masses would lose any left-over of their political zeal if such alliances are forged. However, if both of these leaders decide to contest elections without making political concessions to each other -something that some of their party stalwarts indicate they're going to do- in the form of seat-arrangements and other such political compromises, they have a shot at changing any establihed ethos of Pakistan's ruling class. The first step for both of them is to accept their mistakes and apologize to the people. They can not distance themselves from their past simply by holding each other tight and telling people that they had been duped into hating each other in the past. Duped they might have been, yet they can not wash thier hands of all the political and financial games they have been playing all along.

Musharraf, who promised to publish his side of the story within a few months, was quick to react to Sharif's allegations about Kargil. Then Sharif was also quick to react to this reaction from Musharraf. I don't know who's telling the truth. It is possible that Sharif was briefed on army's various plans about Kashmir. Whether he gave the green signal or not is harder to establish for a person who has to rely on the politically charged statements of exiled politicians and a political general who himself led the army during Kargil operation. But as a matter of principle, army should not be allowed to bypass the elected representatives of the country.

Re: Ghaddaar Kaun? -Nawaz Shraif ki Kahani unki Zabani

Amorphous Bhai :salam: ..I was going to msg you about this thread, good to see you’ve found it, with regard to your comments, i don’t disagree with your comments..I do have minor points though to add, I think a seat adjustment will not be a serious problem in certain parts of Pakistan.the ideological issue will be a problem in Central and northern Punjab..the reason being the PML-N in particular and the PPP to a lesser extent have no candidates left in certain parts of the country. While they still have a vote bank, the Chaudhrys with the help of their friends have brought over most charismatic candidates in the rural areas.

My own opinion is the seat adjustment won’t make much a difference, simply because if the next election is rigged ( pre-poll, post poll or during poll) it will be done in a large scale and primarily in Punjab. Since winning electorally in Punjab is what decides the Prime Ministership that is the region that suffers the most blatant manipulation.

I agree with you in Nawaz Sharif and his siding with the ARD more deeply, being a big mistake. In a way it reminds a reader of the PNA. Another simpler issue is that Nawaz is by his very nature (which is obvious from the first line of the article) well known in being unforgiving to his enemies (BB by contrast has shown she was even willing to accept die hard Ziaists into her party when need be), his decision to work with the PPP is driven by only one idea..the enemy of my enemy.

Personally I think if I was a die hard Mush supporter..in the name of self preservation..I’d now be even more inclined, after reading this article, to keep Nawaz out of Pakistan for a long time.

p.s: if you do get to read the book..do post your review here.