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*Originally posted by Wise One: *
Soul dude i didnot mean any offence and was not trying to offend hinduism. Anyways i apologize if you found it offending.
Ok now question time.
I got two impressions from your posts. One that casts are not actually a part of hindu religion, which means that religion has got nothing to do with these sects or atleast main stream religion. Second impression was that the division between classes was actually introduced in india from other population.
And what does it mean that its illegal in india today? I could be wrong but an indian mate told me that only brahmins can be prime ministers. So if thats true than it defies the illegal part.
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OK lets se if this post can help you out....
The first division took place on the basis of the economic function of the caste-groupings in the context of the role they played in the surplus producing economy of either production of the economic surplus or its appropriation. These two caste-groupings, as we have mentioned earlier were the Vaishya-Shudra producers and the Brahmin-Kshatriya appropriators. This division which was clearly a vertical hierarchy was called the Chatur-Varna i.e. Four Varnas or Castes.
The second division was based on the occupational specialization of the caste-groups and this sub-division took place essentially amongst the Vaishya-Shudra combine, they being the producer categories, this was essentially a horizontal division which was called Jati.
But the Jati division was held together by the Varna division which with its antagonistic interests of sharing the surplus product was a class division in a real sense. The Jati division functioning within the Varna hierarchy represented only an occupational sub-division of what was basically the producing function. The creation of social groups who would undertake production was a logical pre-requisite for an occupational division to take place amongst it. An abstraction of the above process would mean that the Varna division brought forth a class of producers who rendered the social surplus. While the Jati sub-division with its occupational functions created a social structure to render that social surplus in various forms.
But the Jati-Varna matrix, although two different aspects of the social division of labour must have taken place as one process. The two divisions were the result of a single momentum which represented the variety and rising productivity of labour. The subjugation of the Vaishyas-Shudras pushed them into a position where they had to render a surplus, this was the Varna aspect of the division, and once having been pushed into this position they rendered the surplus in the form of the product which their particular tribe had been specializing in.
Towards the final stages of the tribal system different tribes had started specializing in different products which the natural conditions favoured. Hence the Vaishya-Shudra combine rendered the surplus in the form of different products. This occupational division crystallized into the Jati system.The Jati division amongst the Vaishya-Shudras which was based on occupational functions had no conflict of interests inherent in itself, due to the positions they occupied in the production process of 'belonging the productive categories'. The antagonisms to be seen amongst these castes was the creation of the dominant castes who did this by placing some Jatis of the exploited Varna one above the other in the social ladder.
The placing of the shudras above the Ati-Shudras, the Mahars against the Mangs, the Lohars above the Chamars, etc., were attempts to keep the exploited Jatis, a divided house. But the acceptance of such a hierarchy amongst themselves by the exploited Vaishyas and Shudras only represented the success of the ideology of the ruling class over the minds of the exploited class as generally happens in every class society.
But in India the acceptance of the ideology of the ruling categories by the general population was ensured by a neat integration of religion into the social structure. The cleverly contrived theory of cycles of rebirth, with the possibility of birth in a higher caste being linked to faithfully carrying out one's duties as per caste rules. The fatalistic acceptance of the membership of a particular caste as a result of deeds in past life. The pseudo-religious practices of untouchability and endogamy which segregated one caste from another, apart from the various social privileges and also laws as provided in our Dharmashastras drilled into the minds of people that caste is a pre-ordained and hereditary institution which has divine sanction.
UNTOUCHABILITY AND ENDOGAMY
Practices like untouchability and endogamy also played a vital role in keeping the hereditary character of the caste system intact for centuries together. And as their function was to hold intact the caste system it is logical that they were introduced after caste divisions had already developed.
In ancient times, education in such gurukulas and ashramas was limited to the upper castes only. To sustain such discrimination, the pseudo-religious practices of untouchability and endogamy were introduced in post-vedic times. The Vedas do not talk of untouchability and endogamy. It is the later Dharmashastras that first mention these practices which segregated one caste from another. This ideology along with the various unequal hereditary privileges and the discriminatory laws as provided in our Dharmashastras, drilled into the minds of people that caste is a pre-ordained and hereditary institution which has divine sanction.
It is widely agreed that the Shudra caste of Indian society was largely constituted from the pre-Aryan inhabitants of India who were subjugated by the Aryans. To begin with, it is quite possible that as long as Aryan society had not divided itself into various castes there would have been no logical reason for segregating the non-Aryan conquered races who as per the tribal practice could, as we have discussed earlier, either be eaten or be absorbed into the tribal set up of the conquering Aryans. That some of the conquered non-Aryans were disposed off this way is indicated by the existence of the practice of Purusha-Medha Yagna among the Aryans whose cannibalistic traits are also illustrated by the legend of Chilaya (Srilaya).
But what is more important here is that some of the conquered non-Aryans could have been absorbed into Aryan society. Racial intermixing could also have taken place due to regular pairing between the Aryans and pre-Aryans. That such racial intermixing did take place is indicated by the strict injunctions against intermarriage between Aryans and non-Aryans and later between various castes. The prevention of a particular practice, presupposes its occurance. The rationale for such injuctions against the racial intermixing between the Aryans and the conquered people must lie in the fact that when a social structure developed, with the Aryans occupying the upper echelons, it became necessary to preserve racial purity. Their status of belonging to a particular social category as Brahmins or Kshatriyas had to be preserved. Racial intermixing posed a danger of diluting their favoured position and thus it had to be prohibited. From this reality, arose the doctrines of Untouchability, Unapproachability and Endogamy among various castes. It was these doctrines that gave the feature of heredity to the caste system which was further cemented by ideas of birth one' s in a caste depending on one's deeds in a past life and re-birth in a higher caste if one strictly adhered to caste rules in one's present life.
