Book review: Jinnah Betrayed

Jinnah betrayed
Brigadier (Retd) A.R. Siddiqi -The Nation

The debate about the motivating force behind the making of Pakistan has been one endless exercise in frustration. Was it to revive the ancient glory of the Islamic era, or to find a base for the reconstruction of Islamic thought and the resurgence and readaptation of its message to our day and age? If the principal inspiration behind the struggle for Pakistan had been simply the revival of the ancient glory in all its architectural, cultural and literary reality and symbolism, the Partition of the Subcontinent would have been farthest from the mind of the founding fathers, from Syed Ahmad to Iqbal and Jinnah. For all the marvels of the Islamic architecture and artefacts, of performing arts (Katthak and Khiyal) - language and culture originating in Muslim India would have, for ever, become a part of Hindu India after Pakistan. There had, indeed, been much more to the pristine concept of Pakistan than mere brick and mortar, semantics and the sound of music. It had been the quest for a space to initiate Islamic Renaissance as opposed to clerical revivalism.
In his collection of cameos under the provocative title Jinnah Betrayed ABS Jafri, gives ‘voice to the stabs of pains’ caused by our brazen betrayal of the constitutional and intellectual legacy of our founding fathers. In one of his short pieces entitled ‘Three tears of Quaid-i-Azam’, Jafri uses December 25 - the Quaid’s birthday - as a metaphor for our collective, national despair and an occasion to go through ‘an agonising experience of self-assessment’. The exercise leaves ‘the honest in a state of trauma laden with shame.’ He speaks, of ‘the raging conflict’ between the Quaid-i-Azam and those ‘ruling (ruining)’ the state.
"Oh, goodness, what father what children!’ Even to call Pakistan by that name would amount to 'sacrilege and ‘outrageous betrayal’ of all the political social and moral principles of the Quaid. Jafri would go on to look at today’s Pakistan as ‘among the most corrupt, most cruel, most crime-ridden, poverty-stricken, frustrated, fractured, benighted in the world…’ A mighty avalanche of words debouching from the pen of one with an over mastering unrequited patriotic passion. Maybe, he would have made his point as tellingly by less verbiage. The advantage should, however, go to author for reaching a pitch of eloquence the critic often fails to achieve.
The country is less than half of what the Quaid gave us. Its Constitution has been 'frequently and ‘fraudulantly interpolated.’ In sum, we are in ‘such a state of disarray and despair today.’ In his Preface, easily the most incisive part of the anthology, Jafri covers practically the whole span of Pakistan’s history, its ‘benchmarks’ of success and failure. He speaks of the two different sets of law, governing the ‘settled’ and tribal areas; of the abuse of human rights; the rampant practice of honour killing and Karo Kari, extra-judicial killings (etc). He goes on to ask: ‘Is this the portrait of Pakistan as the Quaid-i-Azam visualised it?’

He has been tellingly critical of and candid about the after-effects of the military rule from Ayub to Zia. ‘From October 7, 1958, in our history to this day,’ he says, ‘this nation has lived in disgracefully brazen betrayal of the founder…’ Since the book was published long before the military takeover of October 12, 1999, Gen. Musharraf escapes the dragnet of Jafri’s barbed assessment of military coups d’etat.
What makes Jafri’s Jinnah Betrayed, a truly worthwhile effort is its uncanny timing - even if purely coincidental. It has come at a time, when the Quaid movie Jinnah has been the focus of a bitter and disgusting war of words between the executive producer, Dr Akbar S. Ahmad and the director, Jameel Dehlavi. The pitch at which the two gentlemen have indulged in the pot-calling-the-kettle-black sort of controversy has inevitably compromised the very sanctity of the name ‘Jinnah’. And all that while the movie is yet to be released for unrestricted public showing. The movie had been a subject of much controversy right from the beginning, what for its script and cast. The selection of Christopher Lee, recognised mainly for his horror movies, regardless of his merit as an actor, left a lurking shadow on the Quaid’s impeccable image.
The exchange of banalities between the makers of the unscreened movie is simply unfortunate, to say the least. Regrettably, the executive producer of the movie happens to be Pakistan’s High Commissioner in London where the movie was conceived and cast. Jinnah Betrayed would be applicable more to the Jinnah movie than the Jafri book. For all the unwholesome debate going with it, the movie might well be a snub to Jinnah’s unchallenged and unrivalled status as the maker of Pakistan. Perhaps Jafri’s Jinnah Betrayed should be more appropriately re-named as Jinnah Defended.

salamoalikum,

This is the text of clinton's speech to Pakistani muslims while he stopped by his colony.

Remember that Jinnah was a man who admired western civilization and democracy.
wa'salam
mostansar

It is an honor to be the first President of the United States to address all
the people of Pakistan and the first to visit your country in more than
thirty years.

I am here as a great admirer of your land's rich history, of its centuries
of civilization that stretches long as the Indus river. I am here as whose
own nation has been greatly enriched by the talents of Americans of
Pakistani descent.

But most of all, I am here as a friend. A grateful friend who values our
long partnership, a concerned friend, who cares deeply about the future
course of your country. A committed friend who will stand with the people of
Pakistan as long as you seek the stable, prosperous, democratic nation of
your founder's dreams.

More than half a century ago, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, shared that vision as he
addressed Pakistan's constituent assembly. "If you work together", he said,
"in a spirit that everyone of you is first, second and last a citizen with
equal rights, privileges, and obligations, there will be no end to the
progress you will make."

The Quaid-e-Azam ended that speech by reading a telegram he had just
received. The message expressed hope for success in the great work you were
about to undertake. That message was from the people of the United States.

Despite setbacks and sufferings, the people of Pakistan have built this
nation from the ground up, on a foundation of democracy and law. For more
than fifty years now, we have been partners with you. Pakistan helped the
United States open a dialogue with China. We stood together when the Soviet
Union invaded Afghanistan. Our partnership helped end the cold war. And in
the years since, we have co-operated in the fight against terrorism. Our
soldiers have stood together in missions of peace in every part of the
world. This is your proud legacy - our proud legacy.

Now we are in the dawn of a new century and a new and changing world has
come into view. All around the globe, a revolution is taking hold. A
revolution that is tearing down barriers and building up networks among
nations and individuals. For millions it has made real the dream of a better
life, with good schools, good jobs, a good future for their children.

Like all key moments in human history, this one poses some hard choices. For
this era does not reward who struggle in vain; to redraw borders with blood.
It belongs to those with the vision to live beyond borders for partners in
commerce and trade. It does not favor nations where governments claim all
the power to solve every problem. Instead, it favors nations where the
people have the freedom and responsibility to shape their own destinies.

Pakistan can achieve great things in this new world. But real obstacles
stand in the way. The political situation, the economic situation, the
tensions in this region - they are holding Pakistan back from achieving its
full potential in the global economy.

I know I don't have to tell you all this. This is something you know,
something you have seen. But I do have hope. I believe Pakistan can make its
way through the troubles and build a future worthy of the visions of its
founders - a stable, prosperous, democratic Pakistan, secure in its borders,
friendly with its neighbors, confident in its future. A Pakistan, as Jinnah
said, at peace within and at peace without.

What is in the way of that vision? Well, clearly, the absence of democracy
makes it harder, not easier, for people to move ahead. I know democracy is
not easy; it certainly is not perfect. The authors of my own country's
constitution knew that as well. They said that the mission of the United
States would always be, and I quote, "to form a more perfect union." In
other words, they knew we would never fully realize our ideals, but that we
could keep moving closer to them. That means the question for free people is
always, how to keep moving forward.

We share your disappointment that previous democratic governments in
Pakistan did not do better for their citizens. But one thing is certain;
democracy cannot develop if it is constantly uprooted before it has a chance
to firmly take hold. Successful democratic government takes time and
patience and hard work. The answer to the flaw of democracy is not to end
democracy but to improve it.

I know General Musharraf has just announced the date for local elections.
That is a good step. But the return of civilian democratic rule requires a
complete plan, a real road map. Of course, no one from the outside can tell
Pakistan how it should be governed. That is for you, the people of Pakistan,
to decide. And you should be given the opportunity to do so. I hope and
believe you want Pakistan to be a country where the rule of law prevails. A
country where officials are accountable. A country where the people can
express their points of view without fear. A country that wisely forsakes
revenge for the ruins of the past - and instead, pursues reconciliation for
the sake of the future.

If you choose this path, your friends in the United States will stand with
you.

There are obstacles to your progress including violence and extremism. We
Americans have also felt these evils. Surely, we have both suffered enough
to know that no grievance, no cause, no system of belief can ever justify
deliberate killing of innocents. Those who bomb bus stations, target
embassies and kill those who uphold the law are not heroes. They are our
common enemies. For their aim is to exploit painful problems, not to resolve
them.

Just as we have fought together to defeat those who traffic in narcotics,
today I ask Pakistan to intensify its efforts to defeat those who inflict
terror.

Another obstacle to Pakistan's progress is the tragic squandering of effort,
energy and wealth on policies that make your nation poorer but not safer.
That is one reason we must try to resolve differences between our two
nations on nuclear weapons.

Again, you must make the decision. But my questions to you are no different
from those I posed in India. Are you really more secure today than you were
before you tested nuclear weapons? Will these weapons make war with India
less likely, or, simply more deadly? Will a costly arms race help you to
achieve any economic development? Will it bring you closer to your friends
around the world, closer to the partnerships you need to build your dreams?

Today, the United States is dramatically cutting its nuclear arsenal. Around
the world, nations are renouncing these weapons. I ask Pakistan also to be a
leader in non-proliferation. In your own self-interest and to help us
prevent dangerous technologies from spreading to those who might have no
reservations at all about using them. Take the right steps now to prevent
escalation, to avoid miscalculation, to reduce the risk of war.

As leaders in your own country have suggested, one way to strengthen your
security would be to join the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. The whole world
will rally around you, if you do.

I believe it is also in Pakistan's interest to reduce tensions with India.
When I was in New Delhi, I urged India to seize the opportunity for
dialogue. Pakistan must also help create conditions that will allow dialogue
to succeed. For India and Pakistan, this must be a time for restraint, for
respect for the Line of Control and renewed lines of communication.

I have listened carefully to General Musharraf and others. I understand your
concerns about Kashmir. I share your conviction that human rights of all its
people must be respected. But a stark truth must also be faced - there is no
military solution to Kashmir. International sympathy, support and
intervention cannot be won by provoking a bigger, bloodier conflict. On the
contrary, sympathy and support will be lost and no matter how great the
grievance, it is wrong to support attacks against civilians across the Line
of Control.

In the meantime, I ask again, will endless, costly struggle build good
schools for your children? Will it make your cities safer? Will it bring
clean water and better health care? Will it narrow the gaps between those
who have and those who have nothing? Will it hasten the day when Pakistan's
energy and wealth are invested in building its future? The answer to all
these questions is, plainly, no!

The American people don't want to see tensions rise and sufferings increase.
We want to be a force for peace, but we cannot force peace. We can't impose
it. We cannot and will not mediate or resolve the dispute in Kashmir. Only
you and India can do that through dialogue.

Last year, the world watched with hope as the leaders of India and Pakistan
met in Lahore on the road to better relations. This is the right road to
peace for Pakistan and India and for the resolution of the problems in
Kashmir. Therefore, I will do all I can to help both sides to restore the
promise and the process of Lahore.

A few months ago, we had a ceremony at the White House to mark the end of
Ramadan. An Imam shared a message from the Quran, which tells us, that God
created nations and tribes that we might know one another, not that we may
despise one another.

During the years of my presidency, I have tried to know the Muslim world as
part of our common humanity. I have stood with the people of Bosnia and
Kosovo, who were brutalized because of their Muslim faith. I have mourned
with the Jordanians and Moroccans at the loss of their great leaders. I have
been privileged to speak with Palestinians at their National Council in
Gaza. Today, I am proud to speak with you, because I value our long
friendship and because I believe our friendship can still be a force for
tolerance and understanding throughout the world.

I hope you will be able to meet the difficult challenges we have discussed
today. If you do not, there is a danger that Pakistan may grow even more
isolated, draining even more resources away from the needs of the people,
moving even closer to a conflict no one can win. But if you do meet these
challenges, our full economic and political partnership can be restored for
the benefit of the people of Pakistan.

So let us draw strength from the words of the great Pakistani poet, Mohammed
Iqbal, who said, " in the midst of today's upheaval, give us a vision of
tomorrow."

If the people of Pakistan and South Asia are driven by a tolerant, generous
vision of tomorrow, your nation and this entire region can be the great
success story of the world's next 50 years. It is all in your hands. I know
enough about the ingenuity and enterprise and heart of Pakistani people to
know that this is possible.

With the right vision rooted in tomorrow's promise, not yesterday's pain,
rooted in dialogue not in destruction, Pakistan can fulfill its destiny as a
beacon of democracy in the Muslim world, an engine of growth, a model of
tolerance and an anchor of stability.

Pakistan can have a future worthy of the dreams of the Quaid-e-Azam. If you
choose that future, the United States will walk with you. I hope you will
make that choice. And I pray for our continued friendship, for peace, for
Pakistan.

Pakistan Zindabad.