benazir's resume

So this beacon of democracy, this champion of moderation etc, who is she really.
I am putting together her resume.. can ya help me put this together…

Benazir’s Resume

  • Oil industry experience- under investigation for her role in the UN oil for food scandal. investigations into Oil for Food case were initiated on the direction of the United Nations. Ms Bhutto, her close aide Abdur Rehman, Ferooz Malik and her cousin Syed Hassan Ali Jaffery were accused while her children Bilawal, Asifa and Bakhtawar were the beneficiaries of the offshore companies. The United Nations inquiry report on ‘manipulation of the Oil For Food Programme (OFFP) by the Iraqi regime’ has revealed involvement of former prime minister Benazir Bhutto in the scam, Ms Bhutto has paid $2.2 million commission to former Iraqi president Saddam Hussain for getting $150 million contract for supplying food. the government of Iraq had sold $64.2 billion oil to 248 international companies for obtaining food for people of the war-torn country. The programme was started by the UN in December 1996 after the lifting of international sanctions on Iraq and concluded in 2002. Saddam Hussain manipulated the OFFP and took commission of $1.5 billion from the companies for awarding contracts for supplying food in return for oil. the UN had asked all members countries, including Pakistan, to take action against their nationals involved in the scam. Ms Bhutto had entered into the OFFP during her exile sometime in 2000-2001 through her Dubai-based Free Zone company Tempo Global Gains. The firm was owned by her, her relative Syed Hassan Ali Jafri and former director-general Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) Rehman Feroze Malik.

http://www.dawn.com/2006/04/07/nat6.htm

  • Spain- investigated in the eastern town of Ontiyent near Valencia is investigating movements of cash opened there and other accounts, which belong to Bhutto in Switzerland and the United Arab Emirates. A court in the eastern Spanish region of Valencia has discovered 4 million euros ($4.8 million) in bank accounts linked to former Pakistani prime minister Benazir Bhutto, who has been accused of hiding illicit money in several European countries, the daily El Pais said yesterday. Vicenta Tolda, a judge based in Ontinyent, froze accounts in the Bancaja bank linked to three companies with connections to Bhutto. The companies were named as Petroline, Tempo Global and Petroline SRL. The people involved included Benazir’s husband Asif Ali Zardari and former government official Abdul Rehman Malik Feroz, according to the Spanish daily. Spanish investigators said Bhutto may have laundered money by buying and selling Spanish properties including a chalet in the luxury holiday resort of Marbella.

  • International Woman of Mystery- Interpol issued international notices aka red notices in Jan 2006. A Red Notice is notification that a bona fide arrest warrant exists for an individual suspected of committing a crime, or convicted by a court, in any of Interpols 184 member countries,” Interpol added in a statement

  • Real Estate – Denied owning Rockwood Estate- also known as Surrey Palace for years

  • Gold/Precious Metals- Gave the sole import license of gold to her husband Asif zardari

  • Population Management- Laid siege to Karachi, thousands of people died in extra judicial killings, ppl were kidnapped for ransoms,

  • Convicted in Switzerland of taking kickbacks from SGS and Cotecna, convicted, currently under appeal

  •           French Connection- accused of taking kickbacks in tens of millions from French Military contractor Dassault.
    
  • Naseerullah Babar, her chosen man for Karachi siege helped create Taleban, something she denied for years

  • She keeps great company- American senate was presented with a report by a senate committee to discuss and change American law on ‘private banking and money laundering‘, so that American banks should be stopped getting used by them corrupts to launder their ill-gotten money? That report (presented in November 1999) mentions ‘four cases of top world corrupt crooks’ that obtained corruption money as ‘head of state or their close relatives’ and used citibank to launder their ill gotten money. Amongst them were:

One: Salinas case (case regarding Saul Salinas brothers of Carlos Salinas, president of Mexico)
Two: Zardari case
famous Mr 10 percent, later 30 percent, husband of Benazeer Bhutto, daughter of Z A Bhutto. In the case, along with Zardari, Benazeer Bhutto and her mother’s (Nusrat Bhutto, wife of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto) names were also included
Three: Omar Bongo, president of Gabon
Four: Abacha family, regarding three children of Nigerian leader General Sani Abacha

Personal References

Mother-Nusrat Bhutto- "Benazir is a habitual liar.
Uncle -Mumtaz Bhutto -??
Brother- Late Murtaza Bhutto who died under mysterious police encounter during her rule-??
sister in law- Ghinwa Bhutto -???
Niece- fatima Bhutto “By supporting Ms. Bhutto, who talks of democracy while asking to be brought to power by a military dictator, the only thing that will be accomplished is the death of the nascent secular democratic movement in my country. Democratization will forever be de-legitimized, and our progress in enacting true reforms will be quashed.”

Re: benazir's resume

a previous post on this site had her assets listed as

Assets cost value

Bilawal House (self) Rs3,000,000,1/2 share in 90 Clifton Karachi (self) Rs112,500, Shop in Corniche (Ms Bakhtawar) Rs300,000, plot in Nawabshah (Asifa) Rs7,000, plot in Gawadar-I (self) Rs45,000, plot in Gawadar-II (self) Rs18,000, interest in ice factory (self) Rs114,459, jewllery (self) Rs315,000, NIT units (self) Rs232,698

Shares in Zardari Group (Bilawal) Rs210,000, share in Zardari Group (Ms Bakhtawar) Rs200,000, share in Zardari Group (Ms Asifa) Rs165,000, bank balance (self) Rs1,690,696, bank balance (minors) Rs188,646, cash in hand (self) Rs2,009,339, cash in hand (minors) Rs10,487,074, advance money & share in PPL & Hilal-e-Pakistan Rs156,200, liabilities Rs 570,000. Taxable wealth Rs15,525,412

Agricultural assets

Estimated Value: self Rs2,451,600, Bilawal Rs1,289,600, Bakhtawar Rs1,283,600, Asifa Rs1,279,600, Asifa Rs327,200 - TOTAL Rs6,631,600

Agricultural assets claimed as exempts:

Naudera House (Bakhtawar): Rs700,000; Mercedez Benz-I (self) Rs902,400; Agricultural equipment (self) Rs292,078; Agricultural Equipment (minors) Rs825,000 - Total Rs2,719,478

Benazir Bhuto/Asif Ali Zardari

Bank accounts:
Switzerland: amounts (restricted information, amounts in accounts not released by banks):

Union Bank of Switzerland a/c 552.343 UK, Barclays Bank Geneva ,Citibank Geneva, Bank Nationale de Paris, Cantrade Ormond Burrus, Banke Pirvee SA, Banque Financiere, Dela Citee, Swiss Bank Corporation, Credit Suisse, PICTET-ET CIE Geneva, Banque Francaisc du Commerce Extensievr(BFCE), and Banque Pasha SA. United Kingdom (amounts in accounts not released by banks)

Barclays Bank,Knightsbridge Branch London a/c 90991473, National Westminster Bank Aldwich Branch London a/c 96832320, Harrods Bank Ltd. London a/c 11309063, Barclays Bank, Knightsbridge and Chelsea Branch London a/c 90991473, and Midland Bank, Pall Mall Branch London. United States (amounts in accounts not released by banks) Barclays Bank of New York, CitiBank New York, Chase Manhattan Bank New York, and UBS New York Wall Street Branch. France (amounts in accounts not released by banks)

  1. Banque La Henin, Paris, Credit Agricole (HQ) Paris,Credit Agricole Brace, II Place Brevier,76400, Forges Les Eaux, Credit Agricole Branch Hante-Normandic, 76230, Boise Grillavme, and Banque Nationale De Paris.

Property

United Kingdom
1. Rockwood Estate, Haslemere Road, Brooke, Surrey UK £2.5 million + 1.0 million (renovation)= £3.5 million
2. Flat 6,11, Queens Gate Terrace London SW7 3. 26 Palace Mansion, Hammussmilch Road, London W14 4. 27 Pont Street London SW1 5. 20, Wilton Crescent , London SW1

France
1. La Manoir Della La Reine Branch Mormon Ville, Hameau, (Near Forges) France 76780,5 Acre +2 attached properties (4.8 million Frence francs in 1990)
2. Property in Cannes, France

United States
1. Stud Farm in Texas
2. Wellington Club East, West Palm Beach, 12165 West Forest Hills, Florida
3. Escue Farm, 13524, India Mound, West Palm Beach , Florida 41-7 Acres
4. 3220 Santa Barba Drive Wellington, Florida ($580000)1994
5. 13254, Polo Club Road, West Palm Beach, Florida ($155000)
6. 3000, North Ocean Drive, Singer Islands, Florida ($95000)
7. 525, South Flager Drive, West Palm Beach, Florida

Firms/concerns:
Lapworth Investment Inc, 2002, Saint Martin Drive, West Jacksonville; Intra Food Inc, 3376, Lomre Grove, Jacksonville, Florida; Dynatel Trading Co, Florida; A.S Reality Inc, Palm Beach Gardens, Florida; Bon Voyage Travel Consultancy Inc, Florida; Bomer Finance Inc, British Virgins Islands; Mariston Securities Inc, British Virgin Islands; Marleton Business S.A. British Virgin Islands; Capricorn Tradin S.A British Virgin Islands; Dargal Associated S.A British Virgin Islands; Fagarita Consulting Inc.British Virgin Islands; Marvil Associated Inc,British Virgin Islands; Penbury Finance Ltd, British Virgin Islands; Oxton Trading Ltd. British Virgin Islands Brinslen Invest S.A. British Virgin Islands; Climitex Holding S.A British Virgin Islands; Elkins Holding S.A. British Virgin Islands; Minterler Invest Ltd, British Virgin Islands; Silvernut Investments Inc, British Virgin Islands; Tacolen Investments Ltd.British Virgin Islands; Tulerston Invest S.A. British Virgin Islands; Marledon Invest S.A. British Virgin Islands; Dustan Trading Inc, British Virgin Islands; Reconstruction and Development Finance Inc, British Virgin Islands; and Nassam Alexander Inc. Based on available data, the NRB said, the total value of the located assets amounts to approximately $1.5 billion.

Re: benazir's resume

She beats the Nigerians at their own game! Hands down..!

Re: benazir's resume

BB has a long trail of money mismanagement starting right from her daddy dear. Bhutto left a lot of cash. One of BB's brother wasn't happy with his share in the loot, so BB had him poisoned and killed.

It is all in the newspapers so I am not making it up.

Re: benazir’s resume

BeNazir and Zardari, King and Queen of Crooks:
[Report is nothing to do with Pakistan or Pakistani government, but this is a report fom American Senate. After reading this report, one cannot defend BeNazir except those who are themselves corrupts and crooks.]

They even affected America Laws and were topic of discussion in American senate, because of their corruption exploits. These crook leaders (BB and AAZ) used American banks (City bank and others) to launder their corruption wealth. American senate was presented with a report by a senate committee to discuss and change American law on ‘private banking and money laundering‘, so that American banks could not be used by world notorious corrupts to launder their ill-gotten wealth.

That report mentions ‘four cases of top world political crooks’ that obtained corruption money as ‘head of state’ or as ‘close relatives of head of state’ and used City bank to launder their ill gotten wealth. Law they studied and introduced was ‘Anti-Money Laundering Controls and Public figures’. Amongst the crooks they studied were:

First case: Salinas (brothers of Carlos Salinas, president of Mexico)
Second case: Zardari (BeNazir Bhutto and Nusrat Bhutto), Pakistani mega crook.
Third case: Omar Bongo, president of Gabon
Fourth case: Abacha family, children of Nigerian leader General Sani Abacha

Today (2007) Salinas is the richest man in the world, richer than Bill Gates. God knows where Zardari stands, could be worth many billions, all looted money from Pakistan. In the long report, Zardari and BB case study is second (It is around middle of the report, half way down).

Report is nothing to do with Pakistan government witch-hunt of Zardari and BeNazir, but report is American Senate internal matter for purpose to study need and enact laws for American Banks private banking. As for Pakistan, they only got robbed by the corrupt mentioned (Zardari and BB). Please read the report (all of it) and be ashamed on quality of political leadership (and their ignorant supporters) Pakistan produces. These leaderships does not bring any good name to Pakistan, except that they find a place in American Senate report due to their corruption exploits (Kiya tamga-e-ghalazat these people get for Pakistan).

On the other hand Pakistan can do much better, as Pakistan also produces quality intelligent people like Shaukat Aziz, who excel in their field and get appraise all over the world, reaching one of highest post in City Bank, a company that in 1999 had over $700 billion in assets, when in comparison Pakistan GDP was $62 billion (GDP in 1999).

[In the report one would also find the name of Shaukat Aziz who City Bank trusted as upright and honest person, and sent him to head City bank private banking and sort out corruption and mismanagement in City Bank]..

Here is American senate site and case study presented to senate. Zardari and Bhutto case is second case out of four studied (their case also mentions that ‘ARY’ paid them millions of dollars for getting exclusive license to import gold to Pakistan). Some selected sections from report I am including in this post.

U.S. Senate: 404 Error Page](U.S. Senate: 404 Error Page)

MINORITY STAFF REPORT
FOR
PERMANENT SUBCOMMITTEE ON INVESTIGATIONS
HEARING ON
PRIVATE BANKING AND MONEY LAUNDERING:
A CASE STUDY OF OPPORTUNITIES AND VULNERABILITIES
November 9, 1999

Because of their central role in drug trafficking and organized crime, money laundering activities have been the subject of eight prior investigations of the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. Despite increasing international attention and stronger anti-money laundering controls, some current estimates are that $500 billion to $1 trillion in criminal proceeds are laundered through banks worldwide each year, with about half of that amount moved through United States banks.

This report summarizes the Minority Subcommittee staff investigation to date into U.S. private banks and their vulnerability to money laundering. The investigation has found that the products, services and culture of the private banking industry present opportunities for money launderers, and that without sound controls and active enforcement, private banking services have been and will continue to be used by those intent on laundering money.

Subcommittee Investigation
To date in this investigation, the Subcommittee staff has conducted almost one hundred interviews and reviewed tens of thousands of pages of documents. The interviews have included meetings with almost 50 private bank personnel, including private bankers, their supervisors, compliance personnel, auditors, senior bank management and board members. The staff has interviewed and obtained information from more than two dozen government agencies and organizations, including the United States Departments of State, Treasury and Justice, the Federal Reserve, Securities and Exchange Commission, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and law enforcement personnel in Mexico, France and other countries. The Subcommittee staff has also spoken with private bank clients, and with banking and anti-money laundering experts in academic, regulatory and law enforcement circles.

The documents reviewed by the Subcommittee staff include a wide range of materials, from reports on the private banking industry, to reports on money laundering trends, to SEC filings, legal pleadings, private bank audits, bank examination materials, and numerous documents related to specific private bank accounts and transactions. The Subcommittee has issued subpoenas to over half a dozen financial institutions and entities.

The information gathered by the Subcommittee’s investigation falls into three categories: (1) the anti-money laundering obligations of all banks, including private banks; (2) the elements of private banking that make it vulnerable to money laundering; and (3) four case histories at the Citibank private bank illustrating a range of issues related to money laundering.
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**Senior Bank Management Oversight. **Poor audit results, ongoing regulatory reviews, and the Salinas and Zardari scandals elevated the private bank’s problems to the attention of Citibank’s senior management. The Chairman of the Audit Committee of Citibank’s Board of Directors, Robert Shapiro, an outside director who is also chief executive officer of Monsanto, told the Subcommittee staff that, during his tenure as committee chairman from 1996 until 1998, the private bank became one of a handful of issues he focused on. He said that he was troubled not only by the repeated low audit scores, but also by the private bank’s repeated failure to meet deadlines for corrective action. He said that he personally talked to Citicorp’s CEO John Reed about the need to take action. He said that Mr. Reed responded by taking a personal interest in addressing the private bank problems.

Among other actions, in May 1997, Mr. Reed replaced the head of the private bank. He selected Shaukat Aziz, a longtime Citibank executive not previously associated with the private bank. He told the Subcommittee staff that he charged Mr. Aziz with improving what Mr. Reed called the private bank’s “lousy audits.” He indicated that he also asked Mr. Aziz to review the private bank’s handling of public figures accounts, and to initiate the “fundamental review” of the private bank requested by bank regulators. In a November 1997 letter to the Board of Directors, Mr. Reed wrote the following:

“I spent a day being interviewed by the Department of Justice on the Salinas affair. As a legal issue, I continue to think that we are on very solid ground. However, I am more than ever convinced that we have to rethink and reposition the Private Banking business. … Much of our practice that used to make good sense is now a liability. We live in a world where we have to worry about ‘how someone made his/her money’ which did not used to be an issue. Much that we had done to keep Private Banking private becomes ‘wrong’ in the current environment. The business itself is very highly attractive and there is no reason why we cannot pursue it in a sound way but it will take an adjustment.” [CS7463]

That adjustment apparently has not been a smooth one and is still underway. In July 1998, Mr. Aziz presented a new private bank strategy to the Citibank Audit Committee, recommending among other measures that the bank move away from “secrecy” and instead emphasize producing good investment returns for its clients. He also recommended taking steps to change the private bank’s culture of lax internal controls. These controls were a sensitive matter throughout 1998, not only because of the Carlos Gomez fraud in January, but also because, in May 1998, ten days after Citibank had agreed to purchase Banca Confia in Mexico, that Mexican bank was indicted by the United States Justice Department for engaging in money laundering.

After receiving approval of the Audit Committee and senior bank management of the proposed 1998 strategy, Mr. Aziz began making personnel changes at the private bank, including firing a longtime senior manager in Switzerland, Phillipe Holderbeke, and altering the private bank’s leadership team. On the issue of public figure accounts, in late 1998 and early 1999, over the objection of some longterm private bank employees, he ordered a number of longstanding public figure accounts to be closed.

In October 1999, after accepting an appointment as finance minister of Pakistan, his home country, Mr. Aziz left the private bank. He was replaced by Todd Thomson, a former Travelers Group executive.

Four Case Histories
It is against this backdrop of growth, leadership and organizational change, poor audits and increasing regulatory and management oversight, that the four case histories involving accounts at the Citibank private bank should be analyzed. These case histories span the years 1992 to the present. They involve private bank clients in Latin America, Asia, and Africa.

Each case history involves either a head of state or a close relative clients who fall into a category which the private bank calls “public figures.” Public figure accounts, by longstanding policy, are subject to the private bank’s highest levels of scrutiny, including requirements for senior management approval prior to opening an account, heightened monitoring, and annual reviews of account developments by the private bank head. The private bank’s policy does not specify the criteria to be used in evaluating prospective or existing public figure clients, but instead requires each account to be handled on a case-by-case basis. These four case histories will help convey a sense of the private bank’s practices over time and how issues of due diligence, secrecy and anti-money laundering controls were actually handled. The case histories convey issues related not only to Citibank’s policy and practice, but also to inherent problems in the private banking industry – the difficulty of evaluating clients, monitoring their transactions, and creating a private banking culture sufficiently sensitive to money laundering.
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… … … …

(2) Asif Ali Zardari Case History
The Facts
The second case history involves Asif Ali Zardari, the husband of Benazir Bhutto, former Prime Minister of Pakistan. Ms. Bhutto was elected Prime Minister in 1988, dismissed by the President of Pakistan in August 1990 for alleged corruption and inability to maintain law and order, elected Prime Minister again in October 1993, and dismissed by the President again in November 1996. At various times, Mr. Zardari served as Senator, Environment Minister and Minister for Investment in the Bhutto government. In between the two Bhutto administrations, he was incarcerated in 1990 and 1991 on charges of corruption; the charges were eventually dropped. During Ms. Bhutto’s second term there were increasing allegations of corruption in her government, and a major target of those allegations was Mr. Zardari. It has been reported that the government of Pakistan claims that Ms. Bhutto and Mr. Zardari stole over $1 billion from the country.

During the period 1994 to1997, Citibank opened and maintained three private bank accounts in Switzerland and a consumer account in Dubai for three corporations under Mr. Zardari’s control. There are allegations that some of these accounts were used to disguise $10 million in kickbacks for a gold importing contract to Pakistan.

**Structure of Private Bank Relationship. **Mr. Zardari’s relationship with Citibank began in October 1994, through the services of Kamran Amouzegar, a private banker at Citibank private bank in Switzerland, and Jens Schlegelmilch, a Swiss lawyer who was the Bhutto family’s attorney in Europe and close personal friend for more than 20 years. According to Citibank, Mr. Schlegelmilch represented to Mr. Amouzegar that he was working for the Dubai royal family and he wanted to open some accounts at the Citibank branch office in Dubai. Mr. Schlegelmilch had a Dubai residency permit and a visa signed by a member of the Dubai royal family. Mr. Amouzegar agreed to introduce Mr. Schlegelmilch to a banker in the Citibank branch office in Dubai.

According to Citicorp, Mr. Schlegelmilch told the Citibank Dubai banker that he wanted to open an account in the name of M.S. Capricorn Trading, a British Virgin Island PIC. The stated purpose of the account was to receive money and transfer it to Switzerland. The account was opened in early October 1994.

According to Citibank, Mr. Schlegelmilch informed the Dubai banker that he would serve as the representative of the account and the signatory on the account. Under Dubai law, a bank is not required to know an account’s beneficial owner, only the signatory. Citibank told the Subcommittee staff that Mr. Schlegelmilch did not reveal to the Dubai banker that Mr. Zardari was the beneficial owner of the PIC, and the account manager never asked him the identity of the beneficial owner of the account. Instead, according to Citibank, she assumed the beneficial owner of the account was the member of the royal family who had signed Mr. Schlegelmilch 's visa. According to Citibank, the account manager actually performed some due diligence on the royal family member whom she believed to be the beneficial owner of the account.

Shortly after opening the account in Dubai, Mr. Schlegelmilch signed a standard referral agreement with Citibank Switzerland private bank guaranteeing him 20% of the first three years of client net revenues earned by the bank from each client he referred to the private bank .

On February 27, 1995, Mr. Schlegelmilch, working with Mr. Amouzegar, opened three accounts at the Citibank Switzerland private bank. The accounts were opened in the name of M.S. Capricorn Trading, which already had an account at Citibank’s Dubai branch, as well as Marvel and Bomer Finance, two other British Virgin Island PICs established by Mr. Schlegelmilch, according to Citibank. Each private bank account listed Mr. Schlegelmilch as the account contact and signatory. Citibank informed the Subcommittee that the Swiss Form A, a government-required beneficial owner identification form, identified Mr. Zardari as the beneficial owner of each PIC.

**Lack of Due Diligence. **The decision to allow Mr. Schlegelmilch to open the three accounts on behalf of Mr. Zardari, according to Citibank, involved officials at the highest levels of the private bank. The officials were: (a) Mr. Amouzegar, the private banker; (b) Deepak Sharma, then head of private bank operations in Pakistan; (c) Phillipe Holderbeke, then head of private bank operations in Switzerland (who became head of the Europe, Middle East, Africa Division in February 1996); (d) Salim Raza, then head of the EMEA Division of the private bank; and (e) Hubertus Rukavina, then head of the Citibank private bank. Mr. Rukavina told the Subcommittee staff that when he was asked about opening the Zardari accounts, he did not make the decision to open them, but rather directed that the matter be discussed with Mr. Sharma. According to Mr. Rukavina, he never heard whether the accounts were ultimately opened. Mr. Rukavina left the private bank in 1996 and left Citibank in 1999.

Citibank informed the Subcommittee staff that the private bank was aware of the allegations of corruption against Mr. Zardari at the time it opened the accounts in Switzerland. However, Citibank reasoned that if the charges for which Mr. Zardari had been incarcerated for two years had any merit, they would not have been dropped. Bank officials also believed that the family wealth of Ms. Bhutto and Mr. Zardari was large enough to support a large private bank account, even though Citibank was not able to specify what actions were taken to verify the amount and source of their wealth. Citibank said that bank officials were also aware of the M.S. Capricorn Trading account in Dubai, and they were comforted by the fact that there had been no problems with that account. According to Citibank, Mr. Amouzegar informed his superiors that Mr. Zardari was the beneficial owner of the Capricorn account in Dubai when they were considering the request to open the accounts in Switzerland. Inexplicably, however, the Dubai account manager was apparently still operating under the assumption that the beneficial owner of the Dubai Capricorn account was a member of the Dubai royal family. Subcommittee staff have been unable to determine whether Citibank officials were unaware of or inattentive to the serious inconsistency between Citibank Switzerland and Citibank Dubai with respect to the Capricorn Trading account. Citibank also informed the Subcommittee staff that bank officials had some concerns that if they turned down the accounts, their actions may have implications for the corporation’s operations in Pakistan; however, they said they never received any threats on that issue.

Citibank told the Subcommittee staff the private bank decided to allow Mr. Schlegelmilch to open the three accounts for Mr. Zardari on the condition that the private bank would not be the primary accounts for Mr. Zardari’s assets and the accounts would function as passive investment accounts. Citibank told the Subcommittee staff that Mr. Holderbeke signed a memo delineating the restrictions placed on the accounts, including a $40 million aggregate limit on the size of the three accounts, and transaction restrictions requiring the accounts to function as passive, stable investments, without multiple transactions or funding pass-throughs. None of the Citibank personnel interviewed by Subcommittee staff could identify any other private bank account with these types of restrictions. Other private banks interviewed by the Subcommittee staff were asked if they had ever accepted a client on the condition that certain restrictions be imposed on the account. The banks all said they had not. One bank representative explained that if the bank felt that it needed to place restrictions on the client’s account, it didn’t want that type of client. The existence of the restrictions are in themselves proof of the private bank’s awareness of Mr. Zardari’s poor reputation and concerns regarding the sources of his wealth.

**Movement of Funds. **Citibank told the Subcommittee staff that, once opened, only three deposits were made into the M.S. Capricorn Trading account in Dubai. Two deposits, totaling $10 million were made into the account almost immediately after it was opened. Citibank records show that one $5 million deposit was made on October 5,1994, and another was made on October 6, 1994. The source of both deposits was A.R.Y. International Exchange, a company owned by Abdul Razzak Yaqub, a Pakistani gold bullion trader living in Dubai.

According to the New York Times, in December 1994, the Bhutto government awarded Mr. Razzak an exclusive gold import license. In an interview with the New York Times, Mr. Razzak acknowledged that he had used the exclusive license to import more than $500 million worth of gold into Pakistan. Mr. Razzak denies, however, making any payments to Mr. Zardari. Citibank could not explain the two $5 million payments. Ms. Bhutto told the Subcommittee staff that since A.R.Y. International Exchange is a foreign exchange business, the payments did not necessarily come from Mr. Razzak, but could have come from a third party who was merely making use of A.R.Y.'s exchange services. The staff invited Ms. Bhutto to provide additional information on the M.S. Capricorn Trading accounts, but she has not yet done so.

On February 25, 1995, a third deposit of $8 million was made into the Dubai M.S. Capricorn Trading account. Records show that the payment was made through American Express, with the originator of the account listed as “Morgan NYC.” Citibank indicated it does not know who Morgan NYC is, nor does it know the source of the $8 million.
[size=3][FONT=Times New Roman]All of the funds in the Dubai account of M.S. Capricorn Trading were moved to the Swiss accounts in the Spring of 1995. On March 6, 1995, $8.1 million was transferred; and on May 5, 1995, another $10.2 million was transferred. Both transfers involved U.S. dollars and were routed through Citibank’s New York offices. Citibank informed the Subcommittee staff that M.S. Capricorn Trading closed its Dubai account shortly after the last transfer was completed.

Citibank has indicated that significant amounts of other funds were also deposited into the Swiss accounts. As described below, the $40 million cap was reached, and millions of additional dollars also passed through those accounts. However, Swiss bank secrecy law has prevented the Subcommittee from obtaining the details on the transactions in the Zardari accounts.

**Account Monitoring. **Citibank told the Subcommittee staff that, in 1996, the Swiss office of the private bank conducted a number of reviews of the Zardari Swiss accounts, finally deciding in October to close them.

The first review was allegedly in early 1996, triggered by increasing publicity about allegations of corruption against Mr. Zardari. Citibank told the Subcommittee staff that Messrs. Holderbeke, Raza, Sharma and Amouzegar participated in the review, and apparently concluded that the allegations were politically motivated and that the accounts should remain open. The Subcommittee staff was told that the review did not include looking at the accounts’ transaction activity.

In March or April, 1996, Mr. Amouzegar asked that the overall limit on the Zardari accounts be increased from $40 million to $60 million, apparently because the accounts had reached the previously imposed limit of $40 million. Citibank told the Subcommittee staff that Mr. Holderbeke considered the request, but declined to increase the $40 million limit.

In June, press reports in the United Kingdom that Mr. Zardari had purchased real estate in London triggered still another review of the Zardari accounts. Citibank private bank told the Subcommittee staff that its Swiss office internally discussed the source of the funds for the property purchase. Mr. Amouzegar and Mr. Raza then met with Mr. Schlegelmilch, who allegedly informed them that funds had been deposited into the Citibank accounts, transferred to another PIC account outside of Citibank and used to purchase the property. Mr. Schlegelmilch allegedly indicated the funds had come from the sale of some sugar mills and were legitimate. Citibank told the Subcommittee staff it is not sure if anyone at the private bank attempted to validate the information about the sale of the sugar mills. In addition, even though this account activity violated the condition imposed by Citibank that the accounts were not to be used as a pass through for funds, the accounts were kept open.

**Closing the Accounts. **In July 1996, after Mr. Amouzegar left the private bank to open his own company, another private banker, Cedric Grant, took over management of the Zardari accounts. Citibank told the Subcommittee staff that Mr. Grant began to review the Zardari accounts about one month later to familiarize himself with them. He also reviewed the transactions that had taken place within the accounts.

In September and October 1996, press accounts in Pakistan repeatedly raised questions about corruption by Mr. Zardari and Ms. Bhutto, as Ms. Bhutto’s re-election campaign increased its activities prior to a February election date. In September, Ms. Bhutto’s only surviving brother, Murtaza Bhutto, was assassinated, and Ms. Bhutto’s mother accused Ms. Bhutto and Mr. Zardari of masterminding the murder, because the brother had been leading opposition to Ms. Bhutto.

In October, Mr. Grant completed his review of the Zardari accounts and provided a written analysis to Messrs. Holderbeke, Sharma and Raza, according to Citibank. Mr. Grant had found numerous violations of the account restrictions imposed by Citibank, including multiple transactions and funding pass-throughs. Citibank told the Subcommittee staff that the accounts had functioned more as checking accounts than passive investment accounts, directly contrary to the private bank’s restrictions. Apparently, well over $40 million had flowed through the accounts, though Subcommittee staff were unable to ascertain the actual amount because Swiss bank secrecy law prohibits Citibank from sharing that information with the Subcommittee. Citibank indicated that Mr. Amouzegar had either ignored or did not pay attention to the account activity. Mr. Grant recommended closing the accounts, and they were closed by January 1997.

**Legal Proceedings. **On September 8, 1997, the Swiss government issued orders freezing the Zardari and Bhutto accounts at Citibank and three other banks in Switzerland at the request of the Pakistani government. Since Citibank had closed its Zardari accounts in January 1997, it took no action nor did it make any effort to inform U.S. authorities of the accounts until late November 1997. Citibank contacted the Federal Reserve and OCC about the Zardari accounts in late November, in anticipation of a New York Times article that eventually ran in January 1998, alleging that Mr. Zardari had accepted bribes, and that he held Citibank accounts in Dubai and Switzerland. On December 8 and 11, 1997, Citibank briefed the OCC and the Federal Reserve, respectively, about the accounts and the steps it had taken as a result of the Zardari matter. These steps included: closing all of the accounts that had been referred by Mr. Schlegelmilch to the private bank and terminating his referral agreement; reviewing all of the accounts opened in the Dubai office; and tightening up account opening procedures in Dubai, including requiring the Dubai office to identify the beneficial owner of all Dubai accounts. Citibank did not identify any changes made or planned for the Swiss office, even though the majority of the activity with respect to the Zardari accounts had taken place in Switzerland.

On December 5, 1997, Citibank prepared a Suspicious Activity Report on the Zardari accounts and filed it with the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network at the U.S. Department of Treasury. The filing was made fourteen months after its decision to close the Zardari accounts; thirteen months after Mr. Zardari was arrested a second time for corruption in November 1996; and nearly two months after the Swiss government had ordered four Swiss banks (including Citibank Switzerland) to freeze all Zardari accounts.

In June 1998, Switzerland indicted Mr. Schlegelmilch and two Swiss businessmen, the former senior executive vice president of SGS and the managing director of Cotecna, for money laundering in connection with kickbacks paid by the Swiss companies for the award of a government contract by Pakistan. In July 1998, Mr. Zardari was indicted for violation of Swiss money laundering law in connection with the same incident. Ms. Bhutto was indicted in Switzerland for the same offense in August 1998. A trial on the charges is expected.

In October 1998, Pakistan indicted Mr. Zardari and Ms. Bhutto for accepting kickbacks from the two Swiss companies in exchange for the award of a government contract. On April 15, 1999, after an 18-month trial, Pakistan’s Lahore High Court convicted Ms. Bhutto and Mr. Zardari of accepting the kickbacks and sentenced them to 5 years in prison, fined them $8.6 million and disqualified them from holding public office. Ms. Bhutto, who now lives in London, denounced the decision. Mr. Zardari remains in jail. Additional criminal charges are pending against both in Pakistani courts.

On December 11, 1997, Citicorp’s Chairman John Reed wrote the following to the Board of Directors:

“We have another issue with the husband of Ex-Prime Minister Bhutto of Pakistan. I do not yet understand the facts but I am inclined to think that we made a mistake. More reason than ever to rework our Private Bank.”

Mr. Reed told the Subcommittee staff that it was the combination of the Salinas and Zardari accounts that made him charge Mr. Aziz, the new private bank head, with taking a hard look at the bank’s public figure policy and public figure accounts.

The Issues
The Zardari case history raises issues involving due diligence, secrecy and public figure accounts. The Zardari case history begins with the Citibank Dubai branch’s failure to identify the true beneficial owner of the M.S. Capricorn Trading account. As a result, the account officer in Dubai performed due diligence on an individual who had no relationship to the account being opened. In Switzerland, Citibank officials opened three private bank accounts despite evidence of impropriety on the part of Mr. Zardari. In an interview with Subcommittee staff, Citigroup Co- Chair John Reed informed the Subcommittee staff that he had been advised by Citibank officials in preparation for a trip to Pakistan in February 1994, that there were troubling accusations concerning corruption surrounding Mr. Zardari, that he should stay away from him, and that he was not a man with whom the bank wanted to be associated. Yet one year later, the private bank opened three accounts for Mr. Zardari in Switzerland. Mr. Reed told the Subcommittee staff that when he learned of the Zardari accounts he thought the account officer must have been “an idiot.”

Citibank has been unable to confirm that bank employees verified that Mr. Zardari had a level of wealth sufficient to support the size of the accounts that he was opening. In addition, the Swiss private banker took no action to validate the legitimacy of the source of the funds that were deposited into the account. For example, there was no effort made to verify the claims that some of the funds derived from the sale of sugar mills.

Citibank also performed no due diligence on the client owned and managed PICs that were the named accountholders. Because the PICs were client-created, the bank’s failure to perform due diligence on the PICs meant that it had no knowledge of the activities, assets or entities involved with the corporations. One of the PICs, Bomer Finance, has been determined to have been a repository for kickbacks paid to Mr. Zardari, and those kickbacks tainted funds deposited at the Geneva branch of Union Bank of Switzerland. Documentation has not been made available to determine whether Bomer Finance also used its Citibank account for illicit funds.

Another due diligence lapse was the private bank’s failure to monitor the Zardari accounts to ensure that the account restrictions imposed on them were being followed. When officials were presented with evidence in 1996 that the restrictions were being violated, they nevertheless allowed the accounts to continue.

The Zardari accounts in Switzerland were opened one day before Raul Salinas was arrested. The account was repeatedly reviewed in 1996, after the Salinas scandal became public. Yet there is no evidence that anyone in the private bank had been sensitized to the problems associated with handling an account of a person suspected of corruption.

The Zardari example also demonstrates the practical consequences of secrecy in private banking. Citibank claims that its decisionmaking in the Zardari matter cannot be fully explained or documented, since all Citibank officials are subject to Swiss secrecy laws prohibiting discussion of client-specific information. In light of the fact that U.S. banks are supposed to oversee their foreign branches and enforce U.S. law, including anti-money laundering requirements, this inability to produce documentation related to a troubling case again highlights the problems with U.S. banks choosing to operate in secrecy jurisdictions.

**Pattern of Poor Account Management. **The Zardari case history took place during a series of critical internal and federal audits between 1992 and 1997 of the Swiss office which, during most of that time, served as the headquarters of the private bank. The shortcomings identified in the audits included policies, procedures, and problems that affected the management of the Zardari accounts. They included:

  • failure of the “corporate culture” in the Swiss office to foster " ‘a climate of integrity, ethical conduct and prudent risk taking’ by U.S. standards";

  • inadequate due diligence;

  • “less than acceptable internal controls”;

  • lack of oversight and control of third party referral agents such as Schlegelmilch; and

  • inadequate monitoring of accounts;

All of which resulted in “unacceptable” internal audit ratings. In December 1995, the Swiss office received the lowest audit score received by any office in the private bank during the 1990s. These audit scores indicate the office’s poor handling of the Zardari accounts was part of an ongoing pattern of poor account management.[/size]

Re: benazir’s resume

Bhutto’s husband now admits owning £4m estate

Brian Whitaker

Saturday August 21, 2004

Guardian

The jailed husband of the former Pakistani prime minister Benazir Bhutto has admitted owning a £4.35m estate in Surrey which the Pakistani authorities say was bought with the proceeds of corruption. Asif Zardari, who was the investment minister in his wife’s government and acquired the nickname Mr Ten Per Cent, had previously denied any connection with Rockwood Estate, which includes a 20-room mansion and two farms on 365 acres of land.

The property was sold by a liquidator last month and the effect of Mr Zardari’s sudden U-turn is to block - at least for the time being - efforts by Pakistan to collect its share of the proceeds. According to the Pakistani government, Mr Zardari and/or Ms Bhutto bought Rockwood Estate in 1995 during her second term as prime minister and disguised the ownership through three companies registered in the Isle of Man, which in turn were owned by trusts.

When newspaper reports first linked Ms Bhutto and her husband with the property, they both issued denials. Mr Zardari said indignantly: “How can anyone think of buying a mansion in England when people in Pakistan don’t even have a roof over their heads?” Ms Bhutto continues to deny her involvement. Soon after the purchase of the estate, an extravagant refurbishment programme began, during which Paul Keating, a builder who worked on the project, met Mr Zardari several times and received instructions from him.

During one visit to Rockwood, Mr Zardari called at the village pub, the Dog and Pheasant, and liked it so much that he offered to buy it. When told that it was not for sale, he asked Mr Keating to build a replica of its bar in the basement of his mansion. While Mr Keating was working at Rockwood, crates of artefacts weighing 7.5 tonnes arrived by air from Pakistan. They contained 14 antique rifles, 19 bundles of carpets, furniture - including a nine-metre (30ft) cut glass Italian table - a stuffed tiger, wood carvings, statues, and 16 oil paintings. Some of the rifles were engraved with Mr Zardari’s name. ]Building work continued through the spring and summer of 1996. There were plans for a helipad, a nine-hole golf course, an extension to the indoor swimming pool and a paddock for the polo ponies. The bathrooms were decorated with marble, doors were covered in copper and the master bedroom was reinforced with girders to protect it against bombs.

In November 1996, after three years in power, Ms Bhutto’s government was dismissed by the Pakistani president for “corruption, misrule and nepotism”. One of several accusations against her and her husband is that they took illegal commissions from companies carrying out customs inspections of goods being imported into Pakistan. According to documents cited in a Swiss court last year, commissions totalling $8.2m (£4.5m) were paid to Bomer Finance Inc, a company registered in the British Virgin Islands. Although Mr Zardari was described as the beneficial owner of Bomer Finance, the court heard that Ms Bhutto had been the only person to make use of its funds before they were frozen at the request of the Pakistani authorities. She allegedly bought a £117,000 diamond necklace from a Knightsbridge jeweller with money from Bomer. She and her husband dispute these charges and the Swiss case is continuing. Refurbishment at Rockwood stopped abruptly about the time Ms Bhutto fell from power. Mr Keating refused to budge from the estate, claiming non-payment for work he had done. He eventually left last month after it was bought by a local businessman. He told the Guardian that he had received a cheque for £500,000, with a promise of £150,000 to come. Towards the end of last year a liquidator for the three Manx companies (Romina Properties, Winkford Farm and Parsonage Farm) reached a compromise with various claimants for disposing of the proceeds of the Rockwood sale. After paying creditors, the remaining money - believed to be most of the £4.35m sale price - would go to the Pakistani government. The deal needed approval from a Manx court and when the case came up before Deemster (Judge) Kerruish last Monday, a lawyer representing Mr Zardari objected. He told the court Mr Zardari, who is serving a jail sentence in Pakistan for corruption, was the beneficial owner of Rockwood Estate and was willing to pay off some of the creditors. He asked for eight weeks to provide evidence of Mr Zardari’s ownership. The judge adjourned the case until December 20.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/print/0,,4998604-103595,00.html

Re: benazir’s resume

‘Ill-gotten money used to buy Surrey Palace’ - High Court, England

LONDON: The High Court of Justice, Queens Bench, here on Friday held that money used by Asif Ali Zardari to purchase the Rockwood Estate and Surrey Palace was corruption money. The government of Pakistan has established its case that the money used for purchase of the Rockwood Estate and Surrey Palace was corruption money earned through kickbacks and commission received from Swiss Pre-shipment Inspection Companies, the court observed. “Mr Zardari had concealed his ownership of Rockwood Surrey Palace and now it is time for him to show that the Surrey Palace was not purchased with corruption money,” Justice Lawrence Collins of the London High Court said in his 49 pages judgment. He added that there was a reasonable prospect for the government of Pakistan to establish that the Rockwood Surrey Palace was purchased by Asif Zardari and Benazir Bhutto with corruption money.

A full trial will commence shortly. The judgment is a victory of the National Accountability Bureau’s (NAB) nine years long stance. The NAB has always claimed that the Surrey Palace was secretly purchased by Asif Zardari and Benazir Bhutto with the proceeds of corruption and their ownership was concealed in a secretive network of trusts and offshore companies. The government had filed its main case, a “tracing claim” in the High Court of London in March this year. Zardari applied to the English High Court to set aside the Pakistan government’s claim.

The court on Friday dismissed Zardari’s application, thus paving the way for the proceedings to continue under the rapid procedures of the commercial court, which is part of the English High Court. The court also ordered Zardari to pay Pakistan government’s cost ie lawyers fee (35,000 pounds). “I accept Pakistan’s case that it has a real prospect on merits. Mr Zardari sought to conceal his interest in the Rockwood Estate… Mr Zardari has not answered Pakistan’s case that he did not disclose his ownership of the Rockwood Estate or the defendant companies in his 1995 and 1996 tax returns in Pakistan, or in his assets declarations filed in February 1997 as part of his nomination papers for election to the Senate,” Justice Collins writes in the judgment. There is direct evidence that the Cotecna/SGS payments were used to source the cost of refurbishment monies for the Surrey Palace paid from a Swiss bank accounts of a company called Bomer and that “there is evidence that Mr Zardari was the beneficial owner and controller of Bomer”, he said, adding: “No explanation has been given by Mr Zardari of the source of the payments into the Bomer accounts… Bomer had no commercial business of its own, and it was a vehicle for Mr Zardari and/or Ms Bhutto. There is material evidence that they were behind a number of other off-shore companies used to receive bribes (while concealing their interests).”

Justice Collins said: “I accept that it is inherently improbable that Mr Zardari would have wished Bomer, which was used to receive funds from SGS and Cotecna, to receive funds deriving from legitimate sources. All the monies in the various Swiss bank accounts seem to have been treated as being effectively part of the same fund.” The judgment continues, saying; “There is, in my judgement, a reasonable prospect of Pakistan establishing that (a) Mr Zardari and/or Ms Bhutto instructed Mr Schlegelmilch and Mr Howard to facilitate the purchase and refurbishment of the Rockwood Estate.” Accordingly, the English High Court proceedings will commence shortly, and Asif Zardari is finally to explain, as to how he purchased and refurbished the Surrey Palace, after so many years of denials, which he has now admitted being its owner. This judgment is a step closer to tighten the noose around the accused, as recently Interpol has re-issued Red Notices against Benazir and Zardari after rejecting their appeal against the issuance of these notices.

Re: benazir’s resume

Benazir Bhutto accounts under Spanish microscope
(AFP)
8 March 2006

MADRID - Spain’s judiciary has opened an investigation into allegations of money laundering against former Pakistani prime minister, Benazir Bhutto, El Pais newspaper reported on Wednesday. A judge in the eastern town of Ontiyent near Valencia is investigating movements of cash opened there and other accounts, which belong to Bhutto in Switzerland and the United Arab Emirates, El Pais quoted a judicial source as saying.

The investigation, whose existence judicial sources did not confirm to AFP, reportedly followed a denunciation of Bhutto by Pakistan’s legal authorities. Bhutto, 53, who served as prime minister from 1988 to 1990 and again from 1993 to 1996, has spent the past seven years in exile shuttling between London and Dubai and faces several legal challenges for alleged corruption, notably in Switzerland. Pakistan’s National Accountability Bureau (NAB) says it has established that Benazir and husband Asif Ali Zardari should be questioned on corruption allegations and Islamabad applied in January to Interpol for warrants to that effect.

The Interpol notices granted do not have the status of international arrest warrants and it is up to Interpol member states – which include Pakistan – what measures should follow the issuing of such a notice. Bhutto told a press conference in Washington on January 27 she was ready to “take the next plane” and return to her homeland to answer allegations if so called upon.

Re: benazir’s resume

:hayaa:

Re: benazir's resume

Yep, family greed and rivalry amongst the Bhutto's has always been quite bloody.

Re: benazir's resume

Nice!

Re: benazir’s resume

http://www.ishipress.com/benazir.htm

:wink: reRead here. Good collection :smiley:

Re: benazir's resume

Can someone please summarise the daku rani's antics? It makes for some very tedious reading!

Re: benazir's resume

In place of roti, kapra and makan" BB practicsed "corruption, corruption and corruption! "

Re: benazir's resume

so how soon do u think the topi drama of fatima bhutto against bilawal bhutto will start :D

thanks guys

I am sure there is more.

Re: benazir’s resume

here is some more..
and it also shows ppl the ugly face of MQM

http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA330011996?open&of=ENG-PAK

some selected statements

Amnesty International believes that the human rights abuses perpetrated by armed opposition groups may never be used as an excuse by government law enforcement personnel to ignore national and international human rights safeguards and to commit human rights violations themselves, to torture, kill or to “disappear” people described by the government as “terrorists”.

The high rate of political killings over the last months is strong evidence of the failure of the government’s strategy to protect political activists, journalists and ordinary residents of Karachi from such abuses. Indeed, in some cases those in authority appear to have condoned abuses by some armed political groups.

2)In May 1990, the law enforcement agencies raided the Pucca Qila area of Hyderabad, inhabited mainly by Mohajirs, after cutting off essential supplies for three days. In the ensuing clashes some 100 people, mostly Mohajirs, died, including women and children who had protested against the stoppage of water supplies. Ethnic violence flared up after this incident throughout Sindh; calm only returned gradually after the army was called in and curfew was imposed.

  1. “Ruthless and indiscriminate use of force and extra-judicial killings have swelled the ranks of Karachi’s frustrated and angry youth who will continue to supply recruits to the militants” (Newsline, August 1995).

  2. The practice of arresting family members of wanted men to put pressure on them to surrender or to punish them, documented in the past by Amnesty International, was reported to persist. For instance, Shazia Farooq, the widow of Farooq Putney who was killed on 2 August 1995 in an alleged “encounter” with police, was arrested on the same day; seven months pregnant, she was allegedly taken to Islamabad and her whereabouts remained unknown for several weeks. She was later declared by official sources to be held in “protective custody”

  3. Amnesty International has in the past expressed its concern about human rights abuses perpetrated by the MQM; for instance in its report Pakistan: Torture, deaths in custody and extrajudicial executions (AI Index AI: ASA 33/05/93), Amnesty International said that it had received evidence of torture and ill-treatment perpetrated by MQM members. However, in the current tense situation in Karachi it is impossible to research in detail human rights abuses perpetrated by any one armed opposition group; several parties maintain armed groups and are thought to be responsible for torture and killings in Karachi. Amnesty International believes that it is the task of independent and impartial judicial inquiries which the government should set up to establish such responsibilities and it is the obligation of the government to ensure that those responsible are brought to justice.

d. The letter further states that Amnesty International’s statement that the “government simply is not doing enough to protect innocent citizens from targeted killings by armed opposition groups” is false and that Amnesty International ignores the efforts made by the government to protect the citizens of Karachi. However, the letter does not contain any examples of such efforts. The consistently high number of daily deaths in Karachi would appear to belie any such assertion that adequate measures have been taken by the government.

e. The letter alleges that Amnesty International’s statement that “the government should not use their * violence as an excuse to commit torture and killings” is “irresponsible and appears to be an outcome of disinformation being perpetrated by Altaf group”. In its statement, Amnesty International had enumerated several human rights violations allegedly perpetrated by law enforcement personnel. These included reported arbitrary arrests of family members of wanted MQM members, reports of torture, of lack of access of political prisoners to lawyers and of “disappearance” of prisoners in custody. Amnesty International had called on the government to bring such violations to an end and to establish inquiries into all reported instances of human rights violations with a view to bringing perpetrators of human rights violations to justice.

The letter does not reply to any specific allegation of human rights violations nor does it indicate any action to implement steps recommended by Amnesty International. The government does not acknowledge the necessity to take any measures to improve the human rights situation in Karachi. By shielding law enforcement personnel from prosecution for human rights violations and by engaging in dangerous rhetoric which may incite armed opposition groups to further violence, the government may set in motion a further escalation of human rights violations.

The 52-page appendix to the letter listing 760 killings recorded between 1 June and 30 September 1995 in Karachi purports to supply evidence for the government’s contention that the MQM is responsible for these. The government letter referring to these deaths asks: “I would like to know what the Amnesty is doing about the rights of the relatives and dependents of 760 persons killed by MQM Altaf during the course of 4 months. … It is a pity that Amnesty International is playing such a partisan role and it seems that your organization is siding with India which is fomenting the strikes and violence … in Karachi”.

A close scrutiny of the list which contains name, age, address, ethnic origin and, where known, party affiliation, of each of the dead, has led Amnesty International to the following conclusions:

i. The list does not provide evidence for the government’s categorical statement that these 760 people were killed by the MQM(A).

While the entries of the Karachi districts East, Central, Malir and West do not indicate any circumstances of the deaths, those made by District South briefly record these. Among the 68 killings recorded in District South between 1 June and 30 September, 11 killings are recorded as due to family dispute or personal enmity, 14 violent deaths are listed as due to “unknown reasons” and 43 killings are recorded as perpetrated “by unknown terrorists”; of the last group one is recorded as committed by a member of the MQM (A).

ii. The list, moreover, is not credible, in that it appears to have been tampered with and in that it appears to under-account for MQM deaths.

The list of dead, while indicating dead who belonged to the MQM (Haqiqi), the PPP, and the various law enforcement services in the districts South, East, Central, Malir and West, only lists three deaths of MQM (A) members in four months. This record is not credible, given the MQM(A)'s following and involvement in the conflict. Earlier, Afzal Ali Shigri, Inspector-General of Police, Sindh had provided a different, more credible breakup of killings for the period 30 November 1994 to 30 May 1995 to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan: MQM (Altaf) 73, MQM (Haqiqi) 78, PPP (19), SSP/Sunni 51, TFJ/Shia 68, Police 82, Rangers/army 18 and others 392, totalling 781 dead.

Even more serious is the fact that in several of the lists, whole entries have been rubbed out, so that the numbering, done by hand, had to be crossed out and redone. In the record of District East which lists 153 deaths, altogether seven entries have been removed (for the dates: 12 June, 13 June, 19 July, 23 July, 27 or 28 July, 18 September, 25 September). District Central, which enters the killings by police station in whose area the killings occurred, list 278 killings in the four months; in its records 21 entries are rubbed out (for the dates: 3 June, two entries between 4 or 5 June, 15 June, two entries between 13 and 24 June, one entry between 15 and 21 June, one entry between 21 and 30 June, three entries between 1 and 25 June, 24 June, 25 June, two entries between 25 and 30 June, 27 or 28 June; one entry between 20 and 31 July, one entry between 9 and 31 July; one entry between 21 and 31 August, two entries on 3 September). In the records of District West which list 246 killings between 1 June and 30 September, eight killings are rubbed out (for the dates: 1 or 2 June, 15 June, 17 June, 22 June, two entries for 6 September, two entries for 24 September). In several of the erased entries, brackets after the party affiliation of the killed can still be seen which would appear to indicate that the dead belonged to the MQM(A).

The government’s tampering with the evidence, i.e. removing the entries of at least 36 killed in lists of killings covering a four-month period, casts doubt on the validity of the record itself and in a broader sense the government’s attitude of impartiality and commitment to respect for the rule of law.

Amnesty International is constrained to conclude that the responses it has received from the Government of Pakistan are entirely unsatisfactory: they show no real commitment to end human rights abuses and violations in Karachi.*

Re: benazir's resume

And despite these shocking histories fo Benazir and the MQM, so many Pakistanis still voted for them in the past and still will vote for them in the future.

When our voters are stupid enough to vote for the PPP and the MQM.... is it a good idea to have democracy?

Re: benazir’s resume

Benazir and women’s rights

http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA330071997?open&of=ENG-PAK

  1. The government of Benazir Bhutto announced some measures to improve the situation of women. The federal cabinet said in June 1996 that the death penalty for women would be abolished, arguing that women were seldom involved in heinous crimes such as terrorism or murder which are punishable with death. However, following protests by Islamic groups, the government announced that death sentences imposed as mandatory punishments under sections of the penal code which are adopted from Islamic law would be retained

  2. When Benazir Bhutto assumed office in December 1988, expectations were high that she would ensure the abolition of laws and practices which discriminate against women. These hopes were revived when she assumed office a second time in October 1993 but her government appeared to move in the opposite direction. In late 1990, the reservation of 20 seats for women legislators in the National Assembly (out of 207) and for five per cent of seats in the provincial assemblies were allowed to lapse, without replacement. At present, women have no guaranteed representation in the assemblies

Re: benazir's resume

people will vote on ethnic lines and based on personalities. but thats a diff debate, I intended to have one place to celebrate all the great things benazir has done :)

Re: benazir’s resume

So BB did squat hole for the betterment of women during her two terms as PM. What a surprise.