Ayaz Amir, MNA from PML N talks about winds of change after Imran's Jalsa

Good to see a very balanced article written by Ayaz Amir. He is an elected legislature of PML N from Northern Punjab.
Ayaz talks about the people getting fed up from the present political leadership of the country from both the parties. H praises Imran to start this ray of hope for the people.. and predicts Lahore gathering as a start of something big.. Compliments to Ayaz for standing above the party line..

I wonder how this article will be taken by his party bosses..

I am feeling small and humbled and almost kicking myself for being such a fool. Imran the man, always larger than life, no one could ignore. But Khan the politician, the would-be national saviour, I found hard to take seriously.

He said the right things but he just wasn’t clicking. The strings which set hearts on fire weren’t being touched. Or so at least it seemed to a jaded observer of the pantomime passing for Pakistani politics. Khan was promising a miracle when the age of miracles was long over.

And then October 30th happened and the very skyline changed. Was I imagining things or had the stars taken on an added lustre? The crowds pouring into the Minar-e-Pakistan grounds – about which it was said the Tehreek would never be able to fill – were possessed by a fervour, a sense of hope, I have not seen these past 30 years.

I questioned a good many of them, men and women, young and old, and they said that they were just tired of the old faces and fed up with the old politics. It was change they wanted, a reversal of the established order of things, and it was their belief, their burning faith, that this only the Khan could deliver. If the jalsa and its carnival atmosphere had a central message it was this. Back in 1967-68 many pundits were slow to read what the coming of Bhutto meant. The same mistake could be made again.

Bhutto arrived on the Pakistani scene like a thunderclap, the PPP founded in1967 and sweeping the polls in West Pakistan three years later, and coming to power after the army’s defeat in the East. But although he achieved much dark clouds lined the horizon and in the shadows a witches’ brew was being prepared. So much so that in five years’ time the stage was set for the long night of Zia’s counter-revolution. Much as the wages of Bhuttoism may be glorified, the Pakistan of today is not Bhutto’s but Zia’s, evil having a longer shelf-life than anything opposed to it.

The Sharifs from day one were lucky, favourites of the establishment, propped up by circumstances as a counterweight to Bhutto’s legacy, and thus arriving at the gates of power early and without too many hassles or heartbreaks. Even Musharraf’s coup in 1999 proved a blessing in disguise as it erased the memory of their many failures and gave them a new lease of life as democracy’s champions.

Khan’s journey has been altogether different. He has been wandering in the wilderness these past 15 years. How heartbreaking must it have been? A lesser man, I think most men, even those of tough fibre, would have quit long ago, seeking a home in the mountains or by the sea. What kept him going? He made mistakes, even grievous ones like rallying to Musharraf’s banner but was man enough to beg public forgiveness and admit that he had been wrong.

The primary virtues are character and tenacity. Other things, including brilliance, follow. A nation whose work ethic has yet to be fully developed has been given a lesson in tenacity. And who knows, for this very reason Khan’s influence may prove more enduring than the flash-in-the-pan effect of Bhutto’s ascendancy.

No other comparison will do. The two leading parties have bulk and the dead hand of tradition on their side. And this is their principal strength which the Tehreek will have to figure out how to neutralise. But they have little else going for them. Bereft of ideas they always were. Now they seem drained of relevance and purpose.

In the heady days of Bhutto’s rise and fall who would have imagined that the day would come when the PPP would be the party of the established order, the mainstay of the status quo. But under Zardari, and in no small measure due to his stewardship, this is the distinction it has attained.

Bizarre as it may sound, the Nawaz League was positioning itself as the challenger of the status quo, St George to Zardari’s dragon, in headier moments even the word revolution playing on its lips. But on the way something happened to spoil this charming narrative. After the 2008 elections the party should have made up its mind which side to be on, but it sought to have the best of both worlds, running with the hare and hunting with the hounds, breathing fire and holy defiance against the PPP at the centre, even as it found itself unable to resist the allure of power in Punjab. There being no such thing as a free lunch, it is now paying the price of this self-inflicted schizophrenia.

Even this would not have mattered but for the spectre at the PML-N’s feast, the nightmare how haunting its waking and sleeping hours: Imran’s emergence from behind the trees not so much as a third force but the principal alternative to the existing order, as represented conjointly by the PPP and the PML-N. Punjab’s massive discontent is finding its focus and expression by gravitating towards him.

Against the backdrop of this change, “Go Zardari go” is a slogan which has lost its relevance.** The crowds at the Minar-e-Pakistan seemed to be making no distinction between Zardari and the leadership of the League. Their anger was directed at both equally, or perhaps a bit more at the League because from Zardari from day one they had expected nothing at all. But to catch all this, to catch all the nuances, one had to be there.**

Talk of a rainbow coalition. To Imran’s standard are flocking the young and rebellious at heart, students and workers, the educated from both ends of the spectrum – English-medium schools and Urdu-medium schools – working women and smart girls from rich neighbourhoods, and even religious types, there being a fair sprinkling of beards that evening in front of Minar-e-Pakistan.

Political sages, who often get such things wrong, need not worry too much about would-be electables. They are pragmatic souls, instinctively averse to backing lost causes or betting on losing horses. For 15 years they did not consider Imran a serious option. Overnight, as if in a flash, he has begun to figure in their calculations. Now their very pragmatism, sharpened by Imran’s show of power, would be promoting a different line of thought.

So the major parties better beware. Dangerous winds have started blowing across the Punjab landscape (Imran having his work cut out in the other provinces). These winds can be felt most strongly in the triangle which for over two decades has been the N-League’s heartland: Faisalabad, Gujranwala and Lahore. But it is only a matter of time before they turn north, to the Pothohar Plateau and the districts straddling the mighty Indus.

We must not forget the bleakness of the distance traversed. For a decade and a half Imran was out of sync with the times, bawling out a different tune while Pakistani politics was stretched along a different path. Now the constellations have shifted. What was once the call of the wild is now the call of the times, no cry louder or more insistent in Pakistan today than the call for change. The only man fitting the bill as instrument of change is Imran Khan, all the other knights of the political arena exhausted figures, symbols of the discredited past and therefore part of the problem the nation is confronted with.

But nothing happens before its time. It required the events of 1917 for the Bolshevik Revolution to occur, the Ottoman Empire’s defeat and humiliation in 1918-19 for Mustafa Kemal to be summoned to greatness, for Britain to face mortal danger after the German victory over France in 1940 for Churchill to be called to lead the nation. The moment has to be there; it cannot be manufactured. Lahore indicated that Imran’s moment has come.

Can recourse to Habib Jalib stem the incoming tide? For plutocrats to sing his verses is a bit like the Rockefellers belting out the Internationale, or the Bourbons getting emotional over the sounds of the Marseillaise. But the irony probably is lost on them.

Email: [email protected]

Re: Ayaz Amir, MNA from PML N talks about winds of change after Imran's Jalsa

Good article, thanks for posting.

Re: Ayaz Amir, MNA from PML N talks about winds of change after Imran's Jalsa

Great Article. Hats off to Ayaz Amir for producing a non-biased view of the current situation. Hope he gets grilled by N-League and joins IK as a consequence because he is one of those sensible voices (irrespective of this article) that you come across in political climate.

Re: Ayaz Amir, MNA from PML N talks about winds of change after Imran's Jalsa

What I never understood about my fellow pakis or mass mind in general.
Why could they not see IK for what he was 15 years ago??
Why did we waste 15 years ????

Why we are such nation of changaiz khans, where till some one come out victorious after a blood bath gets our attention ? (yet we could not produce one ONE ONE world callas athlete in combat sports)

What about freaking intellect ??

Re: Ayaz Amir, MNA from PML N talks about winds of change after Imran’s Jalsa

Babar once again with this article has proven that he is the best column writer in the country.

“Let us critique his ideas, expose the simplicity of his proposed security policy and tear apart his suggested police reforms for being unfeasible. But in doing so let us also acknowledge that here is a political leader who is choosing to use the bully pulpit to discuss issues. And that is progress.”

While other political parties try to exploit our religious, social, and ethnic divide to monger hate for their electoral benefit, at least Imran is the only option available to the people who want to convert this diversity in a strength for the nation..

"Pakistan has come to be seen and projected as one big paradox, with fault-lines emerging out of class, ethnic, religious and partisan divides growing deeper and seemingly unbridgeable. The PTI rally comprised a crowd that was as flattering a representation of a Pakistani political gathering as possible: men and women across all age groups; the IV-leaguer yuppies and local Urdu-mediums; the Gucci aunties and the rickshaw-walas. And yet the gathering was not a menagerie, but citizens of all hues huddled together and speaking with one voice.

There were those quoting from scriptures and there were the rock stars, and both seemed at peace with one another as well as the massive crowd they spoke to. The music performances made the critical point that religion ought not translate into obscurantism. And the rally on the whole highlighted an image of Pakistan’s diversity that appeared neither contradictory nor polarising."

Babar, compliments for writing such a master piece.. Even the most vocal critics of Imran can not deny the hope he is creating and the positivity he is bringing to the divided, demoralized, disillusioned people of this unfortunate country..!!!

Khan’s tipping point

Babar Sattar The writer is a lawyer based in Islamabad.
Saturday, November 05, 2011

The Lahore congregation last Sunday suggested that the PTI was reaching the tipping point in its evolution as a viable political party and that Imran Khan – the political leader, and not just our cricketing hero and acclaimed philanthropist – had finally arrived. Regardless of what the rally meant for the PTI’s future and fortune, it gave our democracy a breather and also reaffirmed our dwindling faith in our self-image as a democracy-yearning moderate Muslim nation.

But sceptics, unable to fathom the very concept of change (and probably the extent of human autonomy enjoyed by Pakistanis) and cursed to limit the range of conceivable possibilities for our country and its people to those experienced in the past, are once again reciting Jean-Baptiste Karr and insisting that “the more things change, the more they stay the same.” They are wrong, one hopes, and this is why.

**Pakistan has come to be seen and projected as one big paradox, with fault-lines emerging out of class, ethnic, religious and partisan divides growing deeper and seemingly unbridgeable. The PTI rally comprised a crowd that was as flattering a representation of a Pakistani political gathering as possible: men and women across all age groups; the IV-leaguer yuppies and local Urdu-mediums; the Gucci aunties and the rickshaw-walas. And yet the gathering was not a menagerie, but citizens of all hues huddled together and speaking with one voice.

There were those quoting from scriptures and there were the rock stars, and both seemed at peace with one another as well as the massive crowd they spoke to. The music performances made the critical point that religion ought not translate into obscurantism. And the rally on the whole highlighted an image of Pakistan’s diversity that appeared neither contradictory nor polarising.**

Historically we have swung between military dictatorships and civilian autocracies. Civilian governments fail to empower the ordinary citizen and allow benefits of a representative system of governance to trickle-down in a manner that develops allegiance to democracy. As democracy becomes associated with incompetent and corrupt rulers who insist on treating the continuity of their regimes as the continuity of democracy –** as our present lot – democracy itself gets discredited as a viable system of governance.**

When all existing actors in the political arena seem tainted (to various degrees) and the barriers to entry for newcomers are prohibitive, out of desperation or naïveté people start looking toward the khaki commander as the saviour. We are almost there once again. And so the emergence of the PTI as a viable political option kindles hope and is nothing short of extending democracy’s lease of life.

Soothsayers and a majority of our public intellectuals will have us believe that Imran Khan cannot be the agent of change. The basis of this assertion is two-fold: one, the unshakable belief that past is not just prologue, but that there can be no future beyond the past i.e. anything that hasn’t happened in the past cannot happen in the future; and two, no individual in Pakistan – leader or ordinary citizen – has the autonomy or free will to work for change with genuine conviction, and anyone claiming to do so is either a paid agent or is being manipulated by some hidden hand.

This isn’t the first time we are being told that subjugation to the-mysterious-powers-that-be is our eternal destiny. We were given the same routine during the lawyers’ movement: the fallen never rise; the judges will not be restored. The judges were restored. And it didn’t happen because Aabpara or the GHQ willed it, but because a significant majority of Pakistanis stood up and said they won’t have it any other way. And the force and sentiment behind the lawyers’ movement was the same as that now backing Imran Khan: ordinary Pakistanis led by the urban middle class convinced that the status quo is unsustainable and change will not ensue till they get out of their houses in support of those capable of ushering it in.

Should Imran Khan succeed, his slogan of change might nurture such idealist expectations that are realistically unrealisable. We have seen the Obama expectation struggle under the weight of expectation as well as our own Supreme Court. But that is not an argument against the need for change and its likely agent, but in favour of heightened focus on and critique of the means and measures being proposed by Imran Khan for such purpose.

This brings us to the content of his speech. The loudest and most unintelligent criticism of which has been that Imran Khan did not come up with any novel idea to save Pakistan. Do we really need to reinvent the wheel to get back on the rails? If our cardinal affliction is that public office holders are corrupt and largely devoid of integrity and a soul, what grand theory can one posit to assert that he will not beg, borrow and steal if elected to office?

If you make the Pakistan Steel Mills or PIA a subsidiary of Engro Corporation and let its management run these enterprises the way it runs its own businesses, they will come back to life. If you provide the Pakistan Railways the kind of human resource and autonomy afforded to the team that set-up Nadra, PR might breathe again. The point is that it is individuals who build up institutions and systems and individuals who burn them down. And a functional democratic process allows a nation to pick the right individuals.

Now that Imran Khan has made it past the basic hurdle, the difference between him and others in the field is not necessarily that he understands Pakistan’s problems better. But that when he says he will try his best to find solutions, people actually believe him. Imran Khan doesn’t need to know rocket science. It is about credibility, stupid.

Much can be said about Imran’s speech, what he said and what he left out. But just the fact that his inaugural speech as a mainstream political player wasn’t just laced in rhetoric but actually outlined the four corners of his political programme raised the level of political discourse.

Let us critique his ideas, expose the simplicity of his proposed security policy and tear apart his suggested police reforms for being unfeasible. But in doing so let us also acknowledge that here is a political leader who is choosing to use the bully pulpit to discuss issues. And that is progress. But this is just the beginning for Imran Khan. To do what he claims he wishes to do, he needs to develop two different teams simultaneously.

A team of professionals and technocrats who have the expertise to develop detailed implementable policies and strategies rooted in the broad political programme Imran has laid out. And a political team organised constituency-wise and led by his electoral candidates, which will transform his public support into electoral success. It is in choosing this second team that Imran must exercise utmost discretion. A few honest and upright exceptions apart, it would be a folly to build the PTI as an assortment of ‘electables’ who have either fled or been ousted from other parties. For it will diminish the distinction between the PTI and the other political parties Imran censures.

More importantly, by bringing within his party’s fold those who owe their existence and success to the status quo, he will cripple his ability to deliver the change he promises even if he succeeds at the polls. The PTI will do itself a disfavour by pouring old wine in new bottles.

Imran Khan has implored the nation to demand that its leaders rise up to a level where they are irreproachable. He must now remember that this higher standard will be used to judge all his acts and omissions from here on.

Email: [email protected]