This is a response to AdbulMalick (already posted once in the general forum, in response to his post “our killing fields”). I’ll post my thoughts on the Taliban in a separate post. The point of these posts is to demonstrate that ** religion, in particular certain interpretations of Islam ** are one in a list of factors, which contribute to human rights abuses.
Malick cites a number of ‘Muslim countries’ as examples of countries where human rights abuses occur. Implicated in each of the examples is ‘Islam’. According to Malick, Islam is the ** sole ** source of violence and human rights abuses in these particular countries. In particular, what Malick labels ‘fundamentalist’ Islam.
The “atrocities” in Muslim countries are similar to those committed in other less developed parts of the world. Many brought on by poorly developed institutions, a lack of legal structures and law enforcement, poverty, undemocratic politicization, the remnants of years of foreign control, de-colonization, war, post-war and post-nationalist struggles. It is a grave mistake to think that human rights abuses in Muslim countries are solely the product of religious intolerance and supported by what Malick terms ‘fundamentalist’ Islam.
Malick cites Algeria as an example, where “fundamentalist Muslims [are] killing Muslims [who are] seen as ‘secularists’.”
I’m assuming that he is labeling the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) ‘fundamentalist Muslims’. Like other Islamic parties, the FIS emerged as a political force after disappointed youths witnessed years of failure of a government dominated by an elitist group well entrenched in the ways of their former colonial master - the French (who by the way, were probably the worst colonialists, in terms of human rights abuses and treatment of Algerians). The FIS agenda attempted to balance individual and societal interests and at the same time attempted to address Algeria’s chronic unemployment and mal-distribution of wealth. The FIS seen secularism and related ideologies as a major cause for Muslim decline.
In its ** first multi-party elections since independence ** on June 12, 1990, the FIS one an overwhelming majority of seats. The people of Algeria had spoken, with resounding support for the Islamists, to the shock of the west. In fact the FIS won a majority in all major cities: 64.18 % in Algiers, 70.50 % in Oran, 72% in Constantine. The FLN only won 32% in municipalities and 29% in regional elections. Many voted for the FIS out of protest for the FLN, which did little to change the economic/social conditions in Algeria after the removal of the French.
The FIS did not issue radical Iranian style Islamization programs. They did not impose veiling, or close public baths, close bars or prevent women from working or voting. As the new elections neared in June of 1991, the government introduced new election laws which redrew voter districts to weaken the performance of the FIS in favor of the FLN (John Esposito, The Islamic Threat). FIS called for a nationwide strike. The president called the army in to restore order. Madani and Belhadj (FIS leaders), and five thousand supporters of the FIS were arrested, and the elections postponed. The two leaders were charged with conspiracy against the state and sentenced to 12 years in prison. The Algerian military, disregarding voters intervened in a de facto coup to prevent the FIS from “enjoying the fruits of their democratically elected and earned power” (John Esposito). The military acted days before the next elections where the FIS were poised to win another electoral victory.
The actions of the secular government led to ** human rights organizations criticizing the “mounting human rights abuses and calling for the release of FIS leaders arrested for acts of peaceful expression as well as all those who have been arrested for offenses involving nonviolent speech or association,” ** (Human Rights in Algeria since the Halt of the Electoral Process - The Middle East Watch). The FIS in response instituted a military wing the Islamic Salvation Army, which in the absence of dialogue pursued armed struggle against the regime. Also anti-Islamic death squads operating in Algeria, sponsored by the government, including the Organization of Free Young Algerians and the Organisation Secrete de Sauvegarde de la Republique de l’Algerie emerged. Their goal was to suppress the Islamists, and they have taken responsibility for attacks and murders of Islamists. Attacks on civilians reflect cultural and class conflict as much as they did political circumstances. The violence has deepened the polarization of society in Algeria.
In terms of the ethnic tensions, groups consisting of Berbers also emerged. In particular the Assembly for Culture and Democracy (ACD) denounced the government and called for armed resistance against what they charged was the “fundamentalist genocide” against fellow Algerians (here they use your term - fundamentalist to describe a secularist government, John Esposito, The Islamic Threat). FIS leader Madani was released for a short period, but promptly thrown back in jail. John Esposito writes,
- “Algeria demonstrates the extent to which both a secular and a proposed Islamic state can be the source of division and conflict between secularists and Islamists, among Islamists, between Arab and Berber, between Francophone and Arabphone visions and values. Having survived a long and bloody war of independence, the Algerian people became locked in what some have termed a war of national identity, defining or redefining the nature of what it means to be Algerian. ** A spiral of state violence and Islamist counter-violence, of government-directed death squads and radical Islamist terrorism, produced a civil war which threatened the very fabric of civil society. It resulted in social polarization and radicalization, secular and religious extremism, in which the majority of the Algerian people were victims, a political situation with no clear winners and no resolution in sight ** .” *
The problem with your post is that it puts the blame of ‘violence’ in the Muslim countries you’ve cited, strictly on Islam. * If you’d like I can go through each of your examples and show how certain interpretations of Islam are just one factor in a series of factors leading to human rights abuses in the Muslim world. And also that what you term ‘Muslim extremists’ face the same abuses as ‘secularists’ and ‘non-Muslims’ at the hands of those in power. * You should try to understand the development of Islamic fundamentalism, in terms of all factors involved - this will give you a better understanding of ‘human rights’ and possible solutions.
Achtung ![]()