ok pakistanis when the indian muslims cross the border ask for refugee
status llike afgans who escaped the civil war would you accpet them?
stop all these crocodile tears.
[QUOTE]
*Originally posted by Chaltahai: *
SO Bilal, that would mean that the backlash is in Phillipines, China, INdia, Russia, US, Europe, Africa. Are all of these people wrong or is it the convenient displacement of blame by islamic terrorists
[/QUOTE]
Exactly....its time the muslims came out of this "victim" mentality... if you believe the cause behind the innumerable Islamic militant movements across the world, you would probably think that the rest of the world has nothing better to do than exploit the muslims.
Its esp. shameful that the rich Arab world sitting on vast oil resources does not produce Phds/scientists/writers etc. at anywhere near the same rate as it produces terrorists in the garb of "freedom-fighters".
ISlam zindah hota hai har Karbaka ke Baad …If Gujrat tried to be Yazid ,jab jab zulm aur atiya char pay mane Se barh jata hai tab tab hota hai ZAALIM ke maut 
:rocketup:
[QUOTE]
*Originally posted by rvikz: *
ok pakistanis when the indian muslims cross the border ask for refugee
status llike afgans who escaped the civil war would you accpet them?
stop all these crocodile tears.
[/QUOTE]
whether or not they are accepted does not change the fact that this is s troubling situation. Maybe we should view this at a human level than a country religion level. Killing of innocents for any reason is horrible, and especially so if authorities are behind it, whether its India, Pakistan, Burundi, Lesotho or Burkina Faso.
[QUOTE]
*Originally posted by Degas: *
Ironically Jews though have employed brutal means have never commited any sexual offence..
[/QUOTE]
Just because it is not widely reported it does not mean that it never happens.
How many of your GUUJU is anything .READ this from Indian news paper shamefull commentary on a community not worth Belonging to coward talentless only thing left is "selling clothes & cheating in the share market most of its Harshad Mehta Ketan Parekh Ambani Bharat Shah …
<The talentless ,money hungry savages gujjuriots :yukh:
But it has not produced a modern intellectual and cultural elite of any significance. Gujarat claims Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. But Gandhi was the product of South Africa and apartheid — Gujarat had little to do with his political birth.
Sanjeev Kumar and Aruna Irani are the epitome of artistic achievement for the Gujaratis. Mrinalini Sarabhai came from Kerala and Kathak dancer Kumudini Lakhia is a Gujarati only by marriage. Significant Gujarati litterateurs of the last two centuries do not even go into double digits. Kaka Kalelkar wrote in Gujarati but was a Maharashtrian. Writers such Govardhanram Tripathi in the nineteenth century, UmashankarJoshi, Narmad Meghani, Ishwar Petlikar and Joseph Makwan or painters Haku Shah and Amit Ambalal do>
The specificities of Gujarat
Bharat Bhushan
Gujarat is a society that has done very well economically but has never paused to take a serious look at itself. No wonder then that many Gujaratis were bewildered at the way the rest of India looked at them and condemned them for what they thought was “justified” reaction to the Godhra incident
Most people may not have noticed the colour green disappear from the flag of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) during the Gujarat elections. The green and saffron flag of the party was replaced by a saffron flag with a lotus imprinted on it. The scarves around the necks of party workers and party candidates were also unashamedly saffron. The emotional divide in the polity was so complete that green was rejected as the colour of the Muslims.
It has been claimed both by partisans and the critics of Hindutva that Gujarat can be replicated by the BJP elsewhere. But first the special nature of Gujarati society needs to be noted. The various social factors that obtain in Gujarat may not be present elsewhere in India. It may bean over generalisation to claim that the BJP can replicate the “Gujarat model” elsewhere.
In many ways Gujarat is different from the other parts of India. One, there is a presence of a strong Gujarati sub-nationalism in the state. Two, the state has been weakly influenced by any progressive movements resulting in a wide gap between its economic growth and social progress. And three, it has a sizeable middle class which is capable of being mobilised around a cause.
Gujarati sub-nationalism had its origins in the erstwhile Bombay state and the agitation led by the Mahagujarat Janata Parishad for a separate state. But somehow it has persisted over time. Even today the Gujaratis form the most closely knit communities abroad. Among all the Non-resident Indian community organisations abroad, for example, the local Gujarat Samaj is always the most well organised and active. So when Narendra Modi talked of “Gujarat’s honour” he was tapping into the subliminal parochialism of the Gujaratis.
Gujarat has never witnesses a Left movement. Despite a large and varied work force, a modern trade union movement has been absent in the state. The textile industry was wiped out in Ahmedabad but it did not lead to any significant labour protests. The most labour intensive industries flourish in the state — from diamond polishing to ship-breaking but hardly anyone speaks up for these workers. But it has neither seen a communist nor a socialist movement. Even after the freedom struggle, the so-called Nehruvian Left was never strong in Gujarat.
In recent times the only social movement that arose in Gujarat were the Navnirman Movement against corruption in the early 1970s and the anti-reservation stir in 1985 after Madhavsinh Solanki introduced job and educational reservation for the backward castes.
Because of the rapid economic strides it made, a middle class emerged in Gujarat which was capable of organising and participating in a social movement. The Navnirman and anti-reservation stirs were examples of the emergent middle class coalescing around a cause. But without an egalitarian social vision, there is always a possibility that such a middle class might organise itself into a movement not for creating a just social order but for furthering its own narrow interests or even fascist goals. This first became evident in the anti-reservation stir and, more recently, in the state assembly election.
The absence of an egalitarian, inclusive and democratic social vision in Gujarat today perhaps has something to do with the state not having gone through an intellectual renaissance in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. It produced entrepreneurs, lawyers and economists. But it has not produced a modern intellectual and cultural elite of any significance. Gujarat claims Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. But Gandhi was the product of South Africa and apartheid — Gujarat had little to do with his political birth.
Sanjeev Kumar and Aruna Irani are the epitome of artistic achievement for the Gujaratis. Mrinalini Sarabhai came from Kerala and Kathak dancer Kumudini Lakhia is a Gujarati only by marriage. Significant Gujarati litterateurs of the last two centuries do not even go into double digits. Kaka Kalelkar wrote in Gujarati but was a Maharashtrian. Writers such Govardhanram Tripathi in the nineteenth century, UmashankarJoshi, Narmad Meghani, Ishwar Petlikar and Joseph Makwan or painters Haku Shah and Amit Ambalal do not in themselves herald a summer of enlightenment.
The point is that there is hardly an efflorescence of eccentrics or path-breaking artists here. Instead of providing a nurturing environment for artistic expression its self-appointed cultural police restricts free expression as it did by setting fire to the joint project of architect Balkrishna Doshi and painter M F Hussain — the Hussain-Doshi gufa (cave). The two major centres of creative activity in Ahmedabad, the National Institute of Design and the Centre for Environmental Planning and Technology (CEPT) have very few Gujarati students. Even CEPT was sought to be torched for bringing in “Delhi culture” to Gujarat.
It appears that in Gujarat the pursuit of Mammon must not be threatened by romantic liaisons — who else but middle-aged Gujaratis would have pioneered the signing of “friendship agreements” (maitree karar) with one’s mistress so that she could not claim maintenance later in the relationship?
Take the central part of Gujarat which has been awash with saffron in this election. This is the region which witnessed the most sustained communal rioting. This emerging Hindutva heartland of the state, has not seen any radical breaks in its the social continuum. Except for the peasant movements of the 1920s and 1930s, there have been no resistance movements here.
Central Gujarat witnessed the biggest cooperative revolution in India but is intellectually complacent. Co-operative milk marketing made the Central Gujarat cows fat and its human inhabitants culturally emaciated. Unlike the other parts of India, there was no Sufi influence in Central Gujarat and the Bhakti movement was absent here. Narsi Mehta came from Saurashtra.
When the rest of India was trying to move forward, Gujarat was starting its socially regressive march. When Raja Rammohan Roy was active in Bengal reforming Hinduism, in the 1830s the Swaminarayan sect was consolidating itself in Gujarat. It reinforced Hindu orthodoxy both in terms of gender and caste. The agricultural surplus which became available due to commercial production of tobacco, bananas, rice and milk, flowed into temple construction. The richest and the grandest Swaminarayan temples are in Central Gujarat. The only outstanding figures of the region are the Patel brothers — Vallabhhai and Vithalbhai Patel and they were known only for their politics.
Even though education has spread among the higher and the middle castes, it is largely technical education. Hardly any students opt for the liberal arts stream in the Gujarat Education Board schools — most offer only two choices of specialisation — science or commerce. It is not surprising therefore that the Gujarati youth is not informed by the liberal arts and social sciences. In the MS University in Vadodara, for example, out of nearly 28,000 students, less than 2,000 are enrolled in the humanities faculty — nearly 17,000 are studying in the Commerce faculty and the rest are studying science.
Gujarat is a society that has done very well economically but has never paused to take a serious look at itself. No wonder then that many Gujaratis were bewildered at the way the rest of India looked at them and condemned them for what they thought was “justified” reaction to the Godhra incident. They still do not understand why they should not have voted for Narendra Modi and his goons.
Bharat Bhushan is Editor of The Telegraph newspaper in Delhi
Follow Ups:
Re: Gujju Are filthy Rich ,noble and generous,openNo literature of it own no poet of merit no nothing except horede goods BLACK money Guuju achiement
I take it that you have lost your mental balance. Let me know when you come around so that we can discuss this sanely.
What happened in Gujarat was bad bad bad and the Indian press and institutions have exposed it. What was Pakistan's reaction to Bangladesh.....
Read the Hamoud ur Rahman report....it'll tell u wht happened in Bangladesh.....It criticises the army but was still released while the military is in power in Pak
[QUOTE]
*Originally posted by Some1: *
..Its esp. shameful that the rich Arab world sitting on vast oil resources does not produce Phds/scientists/writers etc...
[/QUOTE]
While the educated Indians go around burning thousands of Muslims, sending over a hundred thoiusand to refugee camps, violating the womb of Muslim women and tearing their their unborn babies apart.
Yep, good ol' educated Indians.
Hey Indian 
Go and curse the author of the article in TELEGRAPH your news paper .
:nono:
If you give me your credentials ,i ll read your opinion .btw you will lose your license if you go on dissing diagnosis on internet posts.
The maturity of RACe & intellectual level of Community is pretty much gauged by the level of its actions …PPL with no intellect & no artistic aspiration are pretty much DE HUMAN as GUJJU living in GUJJURIOT
because of punajb and south the country survives.
http://www.indianexpress.com/full_story.php?content_id=15385
Bhagat free, now Sajjan: how politics bailed politicians out
Cases filed after yrs, prosecution’s job tougher
Manoj Mitta
New Delhi, December 23: With the Delhi court exonerating Congress leader Sajjan Kumar today, all the six trials involving the alleged complicity of Congress leaders in the 1984 carnage have resulted in acquittals.
While three of those cases were against Sajjan Kumar, the other three were against his senior party colleague H K L Bhagat.
Besides, the police registered two carnage-related cases against another Congress leader, Jagdish Tytler, but those were dropped even before they reached the stage of trial.
None of the political cases was registered in 1984. The process of registering them began years later following a finding by the Justice Ranganath Misra Commission that the police had refused to record cases against ‘‘any person in authority.’’
The delay proved fatal as it became that much harder for the prosecution to produce evidence which stands cross-examination despite the passage of years. The acquittal of Sajjan Kumar today is a case in point.
This was in fact the first political case to be taken up. The Jain-Banerjee committee, meant to follow up on the Misra Commission’s report, asked the police in October 1987 to register the case on the affidavit of a riot widow, Anwar Kaur, who alleged that Sajjan Kumar led a mob that killed her husband Navin Singh at Sultanpuri in west Delhi in retaliation to Indira Gandhi’s assassination the previous day.
Given its political implications, the case was registered only after a change of regime. The V P Singh Government got the CBI to register the case in September 1990.
Thus, it took almost six years for the first case to be registered against any political leader in the 1984 carnage. The CBI completed its investigation and readied its chargesheet in 1992, by when the Congress was back in power at the Centre.
The case went into cold storage till the BJP formed the first government of the National Capital Territory of Delhi in 1994. It was under pressure from chief minister Madan Lal Khurana that the Centre then directed the Lt Governor of Delhi to give sanction to the CBI’s chargesheet. The trial followed and the CBI, despite the delay and other odds, produced eight eyewitnesses, including Anwar Kaur, to try and substantiate its charge of Sajjan Kumar’s complicity in Navin Singh’s murder.
The first two eyewitnesses, Salawati Kaur and Phota Singh, who were neighbours and relatives of the deceased, withstood the cross-examination by Sajjan Kumar’s counsel. The affected widow, Anwar Kaur, appeared as the third eyewitness.
When the prosecution examined her on March 22, 1999, she reiterated her charge that Sajjan Kumar instigated and led the mob that killed her husband. But, ironically, the case began to slip out of the prosecution’s hands when Anwar Kaur was cross-examined by Sajjan Kumar’s counsel on four days spread over seven months.
In a dramatic turnaround, Anwar Kaur denied having seen Sajjan Kumar in the mob on the fateful day. Worse, she added, ‘‘I had named Sajjan Kumar as I had been told by the police that he was in the mob.’’
At another point of the cross-examination, Anwar Kaur said that the mob did not even attack her husband as he was hiding in their house and that the couple later took refuge in a mosque. She claimed to have lost track of her husband while they were in the mosque.
Anwar Kaur’s contradictory deposition set the tone for the other five eyewitnesses, who too turned hostile. The trial judge, Manju Goel, took no account of the circumstances in which the eyewitnesses turned hostile as she acquitted all the accused in the case for lack of evidence. Instead, the court readily lent credence to the claims made by two Delhi police inspectors who said that in the days following the 1984 carnage no victim ever mentioned Sajjan Kumar’s name. Sajjan Kumar himself produced those inspectors as defence witnesses. The court’s acceptance of their accounts flies in the face of the Misra Commission’s indictment of the police and finding that ‘‘when oral reports were recorded, they were not taken down verbatim and brief statements dropping out allegations against men in power were written.’’
Bhagat free, now Sajjan: how politics bailed politicians out84 Sikh massacre of 3000 delhi residents by Hindutva criminals go Scott free Stock Log,Barrell & guns
Now i wont write bad comment about India.These Hindians run away ...whats the fun without the hindians to read & see themselves in the mirror i hold ..not fun really without them
Masoor,
Our guys are much educated and better. If you read the articles written by the intelligentsia you will get to know better.
I give for eg. one article written by Praful Bidwai about the recent gujarat elections:- No need for telegraph to comment, we have our own rediff’s.
Praful Bidwai
Gujarat shames us all
No single word or phrase can describe the stunning, stupefying, quality of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s electoral victory in Gujarat. The only analogy that comes even remotely close is the succession of waves of hysterical support for the National Socialists in Germany in the 1930s after repeated pogroms of the Jews and the demagogic drumming up of ultra-nationalist and imperialist rhetoric about German ‘honour.’
Gujarat too witnessed a complete breakdown of all processes of rational thinking and democratic competition – amidst mass-scale dehumanisation. That alone explains why Narendra Modi could hold on to power after ignoring the worst butchery of Indian citizens since Independence, and then electorally exploit it with the utmost cynicism. It is an utter disgrace that he has been rewarded with an unprecedented victory.
Gujarat’s election results overturn many established political trends. Take just three: burden of anti-incumbency, (lack of) fragmentation of the Opposition, and caste alignments. The BJP’s governance was appalling. Over five years, it ground down Gujarat from India’s fastest-growing state (with GDP rising at eight percent plus) to a laggard, with 1.1 percent growth and falling investment, and with a wasteland of closed factories and rampant unemployment. Crippling water and power shortages, and enormous corruption in earthquake relief, alone should have caused a five to 10 percent vote shift against the BJP.
Unlike in 1998, the BJP’s opponents were united. The Kadwa Patels of Saurashtra were disaffected because their leader Keshubhai was marginalised. Other caste/tribal equations also favoured the BJP’s opponents.
In the event, none of this mattered. Not even the manifest fact of a post-Godhra Constitutional breakdown, nor proof that Modi couldn’t be trusted to govern responsibly, nor even the fear that Gujarat would economically collapse under him. There was no remorse in Gujarat’s middle class at the bestiality visited upon thousands of human beings. What mattered was communal polarisation, primordial hatred and a perverse notion of Gujarati chauvinism – as distinct from pride in an Indian identity.
Once this negative politics of ‘us’ vs ‘them,’ ‘Miyan Musharraf’ vs ‘Hindu patriots,’ of Gujarat’s bhasmita, gripped people’s minds, they – or half of those who voted – suspended their analytical faculties, their conscience, and succumbed to Modi’s venomous rhetoric – against their own better judgement, and their own long-term interest
and finally he ends by
Vajpayee terms the Gujarat victory the beginning of a new Vijay Parva (‘era of triumph’) for the BJP. We must make sure it becomes the ‘era of defeat’ for Hindutva. Gujarat’s results are an offence to democracy – a collective shame for us all.
Check this link